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By Josif Maksim ovitch Landowsky 

Translated by George Knupffer 

London : The Plain-Speaker Publishing Company © 1968 

Original pagination preserved 


The material here given is a translation of Ch. XL of a book which appeared in Madrid in 
Spanish as "Sinfonia en Rojo Mayor," and is now past its 11th Edition, produced by 
Editorial E.R.S.A. under the well-known publisher Senor Don Mauricio Carlavilla, who 
has very kindly agreed to this English translation and publication. As soon as possible the 
full book of over 800 pp. will follow. 

The given chapter is of immense importance. It is here translated from a Russian 
edition as well as from the Spanish. It is a complete material on its own. 

The translator's own book on "The Struggle for World Power" also deals with the 
whole problem of super-power and global enslavement through the masters of both 
usury-Capitalism and terroristic Communism, which are both the tools of the same forces 
and serving the same purpose. The book has been published in Madrid in Spanish by 
Senor Carlavilla as "La Lucha por el Poder Mundial." 

In the present work we see this whole story brilliantly described and proved by one of 
the major exponents of the subversive take-over of the world, Christian G . Rakovsky, 
one of the founders of Soviet Bolshevism and also a victim of the show trials just before 
the last 

war under Stalin. This is a document of historical importance and nobody who wants 
to be well-informed should fail to read and recommend it . Not to know the thesis here 
described is to know and understand nothing concerning the chief events and prospects of 
our time. 

In the Spanish book Senor Carlavilla explains the origin of the material in question . 
He says: 

This is the result of a painstaking translation of several copybooks found on the body of Dr. 
Landowsky in a hut on the Petrograd front (Leningrad) by a Spanish volunteer. 

He brought them to us. In view of the condition of the manuscripts, their restoration was a 
long and tiring job, lasting several years. For a long time we were not sure if they could be 
published. So extraordinary and unbelievable were his final disclosures that we would never have 
dared to publish these memoirs if the persons and events mentioned had not accorded fully with 
the facts. 

Before these reminiscences saw the light of day we prepared ourselves for proofs and 
polemics. We answer fully and personally for the veracity of the basic facts . 

Let us see if anyone will be able to disprove them... 

Dr. Landowsky was a Russianized Pole and lived in Russia. His father, a Colonel of the 
Russian Imperial Army, was shot by the Bolsheviks during the 1917 revolution. The life- 
story of Dr. Landowsky is astonishing. He finished the Faculty of Medicine in Russia 

the revolution and then studied two years at the Sorbonne in Paris, and he spoke fluent 
French. He was interested in the effects of drugs on the human organism, to help 
surgeons in operations. Being a talented doctor, he carried out experiments in this field 
and had achieved considerable results. 

However, after the revolution all roads were closed to him. He lived with his family 
in great need, earning a living by chance jobs. Not being able to publish learned papers in 
his own name, he permitted a more fortunate colleague to publish them in his own name. 

The all-seeing NKVD (secret police) became interested in these works and easily 
discovered the real author. His speciality was very valuable for them. One day in 1936 
there was a knock at the doctor's door. He was invited to follow, and he was never again 
allowed to rejoin his family. He was placed in the building of the chemical laboratory of 
the NKVD near Moscow. He lived there and was forced to carry out various jobs given 
him by his masters, he was a witness at questionings, tortures and the most terrible 
happenings and crimes. Twice he was abroad, but always under control, as a prisoner. He 
knew and suffered much, especially as he was a decent and religious man. He had the 
courage to keep notes of what he has seen and heard, and he kept whenever possible such 
documents and letters as passed through his hands, hiding all this in the hollow legs of 
his table in the chemical laboratory. So he lived until the Second World War. How he 
came to Petrograd and how he was killed is not known. 

The document given below is an exact recorded report of the questioning of the 
former Ambassador in France, C.G. Rakovsky during the period of the trials of the 
Trotskyists in the USSR in 1938, when he was tried together with Bukharin, Rykoff, 
Yagoda, Karakhan, Dr. Levin and others. 

Insofar as the accused Rakovsky made it clear, having in mind the sparing of his life, 
that he could give information about matters of very special interest, Stalin gave orders to 
his foreign agent to carry out the questioning. 

It is known that Rakovsky was sentenced to be shot, like the others, but was reprieved 
and given 20 years of prison. 

Very interesting is the description of the above mentioned agent. This was a certain 
Rene Duval (also known as Gavriil Gavriilovitch Kus'min), the son of a millionaire, very 
good looking and talented. He studied in France. His widowed mother adored him. But 
the young man was carried away by Communist propaganda and fell into the hands of 
their agency. They suggested that he should study in Moscow, and he gladly accepted the 
proposal. He passed through the severe school of the NKVD and became a foreign agent, 
and when he wanted to change his mind, it was too late. They do not let people out of 
their grip. By the exercise of will-power he reached the "heights of evil," as he called it, 
and enjoyed the full confidence of Stalin himself. 

The questioning took place in French by this agent. The doctor was present in order 
to put drug pills unnoticed into the glass of Rakovsky, to induce energy and a good 
mood. Behind the wall the conversation was registered on apparatus, and the technician 
who operated it did not understand French. Then Dr. Landowsky had to translate 

into Russian, with two copies, for Stalin and Gabriel. Secretly he dared to make a third 
carbon copy, which he hid away. 

Sinfonia en Rojo Mayor chapter XL 

I returned to the laboratory. My nervous system bothered me and I prescribed myself 
complete rest. I am in bed almost the whole day. Here I am quite alone for already four 
days. Gabriel enquired about me every day. He has to reckon with my condition. At the 
mere thought that they could again send me to the Lubianka (Moscow HQ of the secret 
police) to be present at a new scene of terror I become excited and tremble. I am ashamed 

of belonging to the human race. How low have people fallen! How low have I fallen! 

* * * 

These lines are all I was able to write after five days following my return from the 
Lubianka, when trying to describe on paper the horror, and thereby interrupting the 
chronological order of my notes. I could not write. Only after several months, when 
Summer began, I was able calmly and simply to set out all that I had seen, disgusting, 
vicious, evil... 

During these past months I asked myself a thousand times the same question : "Who 
were the people who were anonymously present at the torture?" I strained all my intuitive 
and deductive capabilities. Was it Ezhov? It is possible, but I see no reason why he 
should have concealed himself. Officially he is responsible and the fear which made him 
hide does not lead to a logical explanation. Even more: if I have any reason for 
describing myself as a psychologist, then this fanatic, the chief of the NKVD, with signs 
of abnormality, would be certain to enjoy a criminal display. Such things as the 
expression of haughtiness in front of a humbled enemy, who had been converted into a 
wreck psychologically and physically, should have given him an unhealthy pleasure. I 
analyzed still further. The absence of prior preparation was obvious; evidently the 
decision to call this satanic session had been taken in a hurry. The circumstance that I had 
been appointed to be present was the result of a sudden agreement. If Ezhov had been 
able to chose the time freely, then timely preparations would have been made. And then I 
would not have been called; that general of the NKVD who was hardly able to come in 
time, for the purpose of being present at the torture, would have known about this 
beforehand. If this was not Ezhov, then who had decided on the time? Which other chief 
was able to arrange it all? However poor are my informations about the Soviet hierarchy, 
but above Ezhov in affairs along the line of the NKVD there is only one man — Stalin. 
Therefore it was he?. . . 

Asking myself these questions, which arose from my deductions, I remembered yet 
other facts in support of my opinion. I remembered that when I looked from the window 
over the square a few minutes before we went down to the "spectacle" I saw how there 
drove across it four large identical cars; all we Soviet people know that Stalin travels in a 
caravan of identical machines, so that nobody would know in which he is sitting, to make 
attack more difficult. Was he there?. . . 

But here I came across another mystery: according to the details which Gabriel gave 
me, the hidden observers were to sit behind our 

back. But there I could only see a long mirror, through which nothing could be seen. 
Perhaps it was transparent? I was puzzled. 

Only seven days passed when one morning Gabriel appeared in the house. I found 
that he had an energetic and enthusiastic appearance and was in an optimistic mood. Yet 
these flashes of happiness which lit up his face at first, did not return later. It seemed as if 
he wanted chase away the shadows which passed over his face by increased activity and 
mental exertion. After lunch he told me: 

"We have a guest here." 

"Who is it" I asked. 

"Rakovsky, the former Ambassador in Paris." 

"I do not know him." 

"He is one of those whom I pointed out to you on that night; the former Ambassador 
in London and Paris. . . Of course a big friend of your acquaintance Navachin. . . Yes, this 
man is at my disposal. He is here with us; he is being well treated and looked after. You 
shall see him." 

"I, why? You know well that I am not curious about matters of this kind. . . I would 
ask you to spare me this sight; I am still not quite well after what you had forced me to 
see. I cannot guarantee my nervous system and heart." 

"Oh, do not worry. Now we are not concerned with force. This man has already been 
broken. No blood, no force. It is only necessary to give him moderate doses of drugs. 
Here I have brought you details: they are from Levin* who still serves us with his 
knowledge. Apparently there is a certain drug somewhere in the laboratory, which can 
work wonders." 

"You believe all this?" 

"I am speaking in symbolic form. Rakovsky is inclined to confess to everything he 
knows about the matter. We have already had a preliminary talk with him, and the results 
are not bad." 

"In that case why is there a need for a miraculous drug?" 

"You will see, doctor, you will see. This is a small safety measure, dictated by the 
professional experience of Levin. It will help to achieve that our man being questioned 
would feel optimistic and would not lose hope and faith. He can already see a chance of 
saving his life as a long shot. This is the first effect which we must attain. Then we must 
make sure that he would all the time remain in a state of the experience of the decisive 
happy moment, but without losing his mental capacities; more exactly, it will be 
necessary to stimulate and sharpen them. He must have induced in him a quite special 
feeling. How can one express it? More exactly a condition of enlightened stimulation." 

"Something like hypnosis?" 

"Yes, but without sleepiness." 

"And I must invent a drug for all this? I think you exaggerate my scientific talents. I 
cannot achieve it." 

Former NKVD doctor, was a co-defendant with Rakovsky at the trial. 


"Yes, but it is unnecessary to invent anything, doctor. As for Levin, he asserts that the 
problem has already been solved." 

"He always left me with the impression of being something of a charlatan. . ." 

"Probably yes, but I think that the drug he has mentioned, even if it is not as effective 
as he claims, will still help us to achieve the necessary; after all, we need not expect a 
miracle. Alcohol, against our will, makes us speak nonsense. Why cannot another 
substance encourage us to say the reasonable truth? Apart from that, Levin had told me of 
previous cases, which seem to be genuine." 

"Why do you not want to force him to take part in this affair once more? Or will he 
refuse to obey?" 

"Oh no, he would like to. It is enough to want to save or to extend your life with the 
help of this or another service, for not refusing. But it is I myself who does not want to 
use his services. He must not hear anything of that which Rakovsky will tell me. Not he, 
not anyone..." 

"Therefore I..." 

"You — that is another matter, doctor. You are a deeply decent person. But I am not 
Diogenes, to rush to look for another over the snowy distances of the USSR." 

"Thank you, but I think that my honesty. . ." 

"Yes, doctor, yes; you say that we take advantage of your honesty for various 
depravities. Yes, doctor, that is so. . .; but it is only so from your absurd point of view. 
And who is attracted to-day by absurdities? For example such an absurdity as your 
honesty? You always manage to lead one away towards conversation about most 
attractive things. But what, in fact, will take place? You must only help me to give the 
correct doses of Levin's drug. It would appear that in the dosage there is an invisible line 
which divides sleep from a state of activity, a clear condition from a befogged one, good 
sense from nonsense...; there can come an artificial excessive enthusiasm." 

"If that is all..." 

"And yet something else. Now we shall speak seriously. Study the instructions of 
Levin, weigh them, adapt them reasonably to the condition and strength of the prisoner. 
You have time for study until nightfall; you can examine Rakovsky as often as you wish. 
And that is all for the moment. You would not believe how terribly I want to sleep. I shall 
sleep a few hours. If by evening nothing extraordinary happens then I have given 
instructions that I am not to be called. I would advise you to have a good rest after dinner, 
because after that it will not be possible to sleep for a long time." 

We entered the vestibule. Having taken his leave from me he quickly ran up the 
stairs, but in the middle he halted. 

"Ah, doctor - he exclaimed - I had forgotten. Many thanks from Comrade Ezhov. 
Expect a present, perhaps even a decoration." 

He waved me goodbye and rapidly disappeared on the staircase landing of the top 

The notes of Levin were short, but clear and exact. I had no difficulty in finding the 
medicine. It was in doses of a milligram in 

tiny tablets. I made a test and, in accordance with his explanation, they dissolved very 
easily in water and better still in alcohol. The formula was not indicated there, and I 
decided later to make a detailed analysis, when I shall have the time. 

Undoubtedly it was some substance of the specialist Lumenstadt, that scientist of 
whom Levin had spoken to me during the first meeting. I did not think I would discover 
during analysis something unexpected or new. Probably again some base with a 
considerable amount of opium of a more active kind than tebain. I was well acquainted 
with 19 main types and some more besides. In those practical conditions in which my 
experiments were conducted I was satisfied with those facts which my investigations had 

Although my work had an altogether different direction, yet I was quite at home in 
the realm of hallucinatory substances. I remembered that Levin had told me of the 
distillation of rare types of Indian Hemp. I was bound to be dealing with opium or 
hashish, in order to penetrate the secret of this much praised drug. I would have been glad 
to have had the opportunity of coming across one or more new bases which gave rise to 
his "miraculous" qualities. In principle I was prepared to assume such a possibility. After 
all the work of investigation in conditions of unlimited time and means, while not having 
to reckon with economic limitations, which was possible in conditions of the NKVD, 
provided unlimited scientific possibilities. I flattered myself with the illusion of being 
able to find, as the result of these investigations, a new weapon in my scientific fight 
against pain. 

I could not give much time to the diversion of such pleasant illusions. I concentrated 
my thoughts in order to think how and in what proportion I shall have to give Rakovsky 
this drug. According to the instructions of Levin, one tablet would have to produce the 
desired result. He warned that if the patient had any heart weakness there could follow 
sleepiness and even complete lethargy, with a consequent dimming of the mind. While 
bearing all this in mind, I had first of all to examine Rakovsky. I did not expect to find 
the internal condition of his heart to be normal. If there were no damage, then surely 
there would be a lowering of tone as the result of the nervous experiences, as his system 
could not have remained unchanged after a long and terrifying torture. 

I put off the examination until after lunch. I wanted to consider everything, both for 
the case that Gabriel would want to give the drug with the knowledge of Rakovsky, as 
also without his knowledge. In both cases I would have to busy myself with him, insofar 
as I myself would have to give him the drug of which I had been told concretely. There 
was no need for the participation of a professional, as the drug was given by mouth. 

After lunch I went to visit Rakovsky. He was kept locked up in one room of the 
ground floor and was guarded by one man, who did not take his eyes off him. Of 
furniture there was only one small table, a narrow bed without ends and another small, 
rough table. When I entered Rakovsky was sitting. He immediately got up. He looked at 
me closely and I read in his face doubt and, it seemed, also fright. I think he must have 
recognized me, having seen me when he sat that memorable night at the side of the 

I ordered the guard to leave and told him to bring me a chair. 

I sat down and asked the prisoner to sit. He was about 50 years old. He was a man of 
medium height, bald in front, with a large, fleshy nose. In youth his face was probably 
pleasant. His facial outlines were not typically Semitic, but his origin was nevertheless 
clear. Once upon a time he was probably quite fat, but not now, and his skin hung 
everywhere, while his face and neck were like a burst balloon, with the air let out. The 
usual dinner at the Lubianka was apparently too strict a diet for the former Ambassador 
in Paris. At that moment I made no further observations. 

"You smoke?" I asked, opening the cigarette case, with the intention of establishing 
somewhat more intimate relations with him. 

"I gave up smoking in order to preserve my health" he replied with a very pleasant 
tone of voice, "but I thank you; I think I have now recovered from my stomach troubles." 

He smoked quietly, with restraint and not without some elegance. 

"I am a doctor" I introduced myself. 

"Yes I know that; I saw how you acted 'there' " he said with trembling voice. 

"I came to enquire about the state of your health. How are you ? Do you suffer from 
any illness?" 

"No, nothing." 

"Are you sure? What about your heart?" 

"Thanks to the results of enforced dieting I do not observe in myself any abnormal 

"There are some which cannot be noticed by the patient himself, but only by a 

"I am a doctor" he interrupted me. 

"A doctor?" I repeated in surprise. 

"Yes, didn't you know?" 

"Nobody had told me of it. I congratulate you. I shall be very glad to be of use to a 
colleague and, possibly, a fellow student. Where did you study? In Moscow or 

"Oh no! At that time I was not a Russian subject. I studied in Nancy and Montpellier; 
in the latter I received my doctorate." 

"This means that we may have studied at the same time; I did several courses in Paris. 
Were you French?" 

"I intended to become French. I was born a Bulgarian, but without asking my 
permission I was converted into a Rumanian. My province was Dobrudga, where I was 
born, and after the peace treaty it went to Rumania." 

"Permit me to listen to your chest" — and I put the stethoscope in my ears. 

He took off his torn jacket and stood up. I listened. The examination shewed nothing 
abnormal; as I had assumed, weakness, but without defects. 

"I suppose one must give food for the heart." 

"Only the heart, comrade?" he asked ironically. 

"I think so" I said, pretending not to have noticed the irony, "I think your diet, too, 
should be strengthened." 

"Permit me to listen to myself." 

"With pleasure" — and I gave him the stethoscope. 

He quickly listened to himself. 

"I had expected that my condition would be much worse. Many thanks. May I put my 
jacket on?" 

"Of course. Let us agree, then, that it is necessary to take a few drops of digitalis, 
don't you think?" 

"You consider that absolutely essential? I think that my old heart will survive the few 
days or months which remain to me quite well." 

"I think otherwise; I think that you will live much longer." 

"Do not upset me, colleague. . . To live more! To live still longer! . . . There must be 
instructions about the end; the court case cannot last longer... And then, then rest." 

And when he said this, having in mind the final rest, it seemed that his face had the 
expression of happiness almost. I shuddered. This wish to die, to die soon which I read in 
his eyes, made me faint. I wanted to cheer him up from a feeling of compassion. 

"You have not understood me, comrade. I wanted to say that in your case it may be 
decided to continue your life, but life without suffering. For what have you been brought 
here? Does one not treat you well now?" 

"The latter, yes, of course. Concerning the rest I have heard hints, but..." 

I gave him another cigarette and then added: 

"Have hope. For my part and to the extent which my chief will allow, I shall do 
everything that can depend on me, to make sure that you come to no harm. I shall begin 
immediately by feeding you, but not excessively, bearing in mind the state of your 
stomach. We shall begin with a milk diet and some more substantial additions. I shall 
give instructions at once. You may smoke. . . take some. . . " and I left him everything that 
remained in the packet. 

I called the guard and ordered him to light the prisoner's cigarette whenever he wants 
to smoke. Then I left and before having a couple of hours rest I gave instructions that 
Rakovsky was to have half a litre of milk with sugar. 

We prepared for the meeting with Rakovsky at midnight. Its "friendly" character was 
stressed in all the details. The room was well warmed, there was a fire in the fire-place, 
soft lighting, a small and well-chosen supper, good wines; all had been scientifically 
improvised. "As for a lovers meeting," observed Gabriel. I was to assist. My chief 
responsibility was to give the prisoner the drug in such a manner that he would not notice 
it. For this purpose the drinks had been placed as if by chance near me, and I shall have 
to pour out the wine. Also I would have to observe the weakening of the drug's effect, so 
as to give a new dose at the right moment. This was my most important job. Gabriel 
wants, if the experiment succeeds, to get already at the first meeting real 

progress towards the essence of the matter. He is hopeful of success. He has had a good 
rest and is in good condition. I am interested to know how he will struggle with 
Rakovsky who, it seems to me, is an opponent worthy of him. 

Three large arm-chairs were placed before the fire. The one nearest the door is for 
me, Rakovsky will sit in the middle, and in the third will be Gabriel, who had shown his 
optimistic mood even in his clothes, as he was wearing a white Russian shirt. 

It had already struck midnight when they brought the prisoner to us. He had been 
given decent clothes and had been well shaved. I looked at him professionally and found 
him to be livelier. 

He asks to be excused for not being able to drink more than one glass, mentioning the 
weakness of his stomach. I did not put the drug into this glass and regretted it. 

The conversation began with banalities... Gabriel knows that Rakovsky speaks much 
better French than Russian and begins in that language. There are hints about the past. It 
is clear that Rakovsky is an expert conversationalist. His speech is exact, elegant and 
even decorative. He is apparently very erudite; at times he quotes easily and always 
accurately. Sometimes he hints at his many escapes, at exile, about Lenin, Plekhanov, 
Luxemburg, and he even said that when he was a boy he had shaken the hand of the old 

We drink whisky. After Gabriel had given him the opportunity of speaking for about 
half an hour, I asked as if by chance: "Should I add more soda water?" "Yes, add 
enough" he replied absentmindedly. I manipulated the drink and dropped a tablet into it, 
which I had been holding from the very beginning. First I gave Gabriel some whisky, 
letting him know by a sign that the job had been done. I gave Rakovsky his glass and 
then began to drink mine. He sipped it with pleasure. "I am a small cad" I told myself. 
But this was a passing thought and it dissolved in the pleasant fire in the fire-place. 

Before Gabriel came to the main theme, the talk had been long and interesting. 

I had been fortunate in obtaining a document which reproduces better than a 
shorthand note all that had been discussed between Gabriel and Rakovsky. Here it is: 



Gavriil G. Kus'min — In accordance with our agreement at the Lubianka, I had 
appealed for a last chance for you; your presence in this house indicates that I had 
succeeded in this. Let us see if you will not deceive us. 

Christian G. Rakovsky — I do not wish and shall not do that. 

G - But first of all: a well-meant warning. Now we are concerned with the real 
truth. Not the "official" truth, that which is to figure at the trial in the light of the 
confessions of the accused. . . This is something which, as you know, is fully subject to 
practical considerations, or "considerations of State" as they would say in the West. The 

demands of international politics will force us to hide the whole truth, the "real truth". . . 
Whatever may be the course of the trial, but governments and peoples will only be told 
that which they should know. But he who must know everything, Stalin, must also know 
all this. Therefore, whatever may be your words here they cannot make your position 
worse. You must know that they will not worsen your crime but, on the contrary, they 
can give the desired results in your favour. You will be able to save your life, which at 
this moment is already lost. So now I have told you this, but now let us see: you will all 
admit that you are Hitler's spies and receive wages from the Gestapo and OKW.* 

Is that not so? 


G - And you are Hitler's spies? 


G - No, Rakovsky, no. Tell the real truth, but not the court proceedings one. 

R - We are not spies of Hitler, we hate Hitler as you can hate him, as Stalin can 
hate him; perhaps even more so, but this is a very complex question. 

G - I shall help you. . . By chance I also know one or two things. You, the 
Trotskyists, had contacts with the German Staff. Is that not so ? 


G - From which period? 

R - I do not know the exact date, but soon after the fall of Trotsky. Of course before 
Hitler's coming to power. 

G - Therefore let us be exact: you were neither personal spies of Hitler, nor of his 

R - Exactly. We were such already earlier. 

G - And for what purpose? With the aim of giving Germany victory and some 
Russian territories? 

R - No, in no case. 

G - Therefore as ordinary spies, for money? 

R - For money? Nobody received a single Mark from Germany. Hitler has not 
enough money to buy, for example, the Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the USSR, who 
has at his disposal freely a budget which is greater than the total wealth of Morgan and 
Vanderbilt, and who does not have to account for his use of the money. 

G - Well, then for what reason? 

R - May I speak quite freely? 

G - Yes, I ask you to do so; for that reason you have been invited. 

R - Did not Lenin have higher aims when he received help from Germany in order 
to enter Russia? And is it necessary to accept as true those libelous inventions which had 
been circulated to accuse him? Was he not also called a spy of the Kaiser? His relations 
with the Emperor and the German intervention in the affair of the sending to Russia of 
the Bolshevik destroyers are quite clear. 

OKW — Oberkommando der Wehrmacht, Supreme Command of the German Army — Transl. 


G - Whether it is true or not does not have any bearing on the present question. 

R - No, permit me to finish. Is it not a fact that the activity of Lenin was in the 
beginning advantageous to the German troops? Permit me... There was the separate 
peace of Brest-Litovsk, at which huge territories of the USSR were ceded to Germany. 
Who had declared defeatism as a weapon of the Bolsheviks in 1913? Lenin. I know by 
heart his words from his letter to Gorky: "War between Austria and Russia would be a 
most useful thing for the revolution, but it is hardly possible that Francis-Joseph and 
Nicholas would present us with this opportunity." As you see, we, the so-called 
Trotskyists, the inventors of the defeat in 1905, continue at the present stage the same 
line, the line of Lenin. 

G - With a small difference, Rakovsky; at present there is Socialism in the USSR, 
not the Tsar. 

R - You believe that? 

G - What? 

R - In the existence of Socialism in the USSR? 

G - Is the Soviet Union not Socialist? 

R - For me only in name. It is just here that we find the true reason for the 
opposition. Agree with me, and by the force of pure logic you must agree, that 
theoretically, rationally, we have the same right to say - no, as Stalin can say - yes. And 
if for the triumph of Communism defeatism can be justified, then he who considers that 
Communism has been destroyed by the Bonapartism of Stalin and that he betrayed it, has 
the same right as Lenin to become a defeatist. 

G - I think, Rakovsky, that you are theorizing thanks to your manner of making 
wide use of dialectics. It is clear that if many people were present here, I would prove 
this; all right, I accept your argument as the only one possible in your position, but 
nevertheless I think that I could prove to you that this is nothing other than a sophism. 
But let us postpone this for another occasion; some day it will come. And I hope that you 
will give me the chance to reply. But at the present moment I shall only say this: if your 
defeatism and the defeat of the USSR has as its object the restoration of Socialism in the 
USSR, real Socialism, according to you — Trotskyism, then, insofar as we have 
destroyed their leaders and cadres, defeatism and the defeat of the USSR has neither an 
objective nor any sense. As a result of defeat now there would come the enthronement of 
some Fiihrer or fascist Tsar. Is that not so? 

R - It is true. Without flattery on my part — your deduction is splendid. 

G - Well, if, as I assume, you assert this sincerely, then we have achieved a great 
deal: I am a Stalinist and you a Trotskyist; we have achieved the impossible. We have 
reached the point at which our views coincide. The coincidence lies in that at the present 
moment the USSR must not be destroyed. 

R - I must confess that I had not expected to face such a clever person. In fact at the 
present stage and for some years we cannot think of the defeat of the USSR and to 
provoke it, as it is known that we are at present in such a position, that we can not seize 
power. We, the Communists, would derive no profit from it. This is exact and coincides 


with your view. We can not be interested now in the collapse of the Stalinist State; I say 
this and at the same time I assert that this State, apart from all that has been said, is anti- 
Communistic. You see that I am sincere. 

G - I see that. This is the only way in which we can come to terms. I would ask 
you, before you continue, to explain to me that which seems to me a contradiction: if the 
Soviet State is anti-Communistic to you, then why should you not wish its destruction at 
the given moment? Someone else might be less anti-Communistic and then there would 
be fewer obstacles to the restoration of your pure Communism. 

R - No, no, this deduction is too simple. Although the Stalinist Bonapartism also 
opposes Communism as the Napoleonic one opposed the revolution, but the circumstance 
is clear that, nevertheless, the USSR continues to preserve its Communistic form and 
dogma; this is formal and not real Communism. And thus, like the disappearance of 
Trotsky gave Stalin the possibility automatically to transform real Communism into the 
formal one, so also the disappearance of Stalin will allow us to transform his formal 
Communism into a real one. One hour would suffice for us. Have you understood me? 

G - Yes, of course; you have told us the classical truth that nobody destroys that 
which he wants to inherit. Well, all right; all else is sophistical agility. You rely on the 
assumption which can be easily disproved: the assumption of Stalin's anti-Communism. 
Is there private property in the USSR? Is there personal profit? Classes? I shall not 
continue to base myself on facts — for what? 

R - I have already agreed that there exists formal Communism. All that you 
enumerate are merely forms. 

G - Yes? For what purpose? From mere obstinacy? 

R - Of course not. This is a necessity. It is impossible to eliminate the materialistic 
evolution of history. The most that can be done is to hold it up. And at what a price? At 
the cost of its theoretical acceptance, in order to destroy it in practice. The force which 
draws humanity towards Communism is so unconquerable that that same force, but 
distorted, opposed to itself, can only achieve a slowing down of development; more 
accurately — to slow down the progress of the permanent revolution. 

G - An example? 

R - The most obvious — with Hitler. He needed Socialism for victory over 
Socialism: it is this his very anti-Socialist Socialism which is National-Socialism. Stalin 
needs Communism in order to defeat Communism. The parallel is obvious. But, 
notwithstanding Hitler's anti-Socialism and Stalin's anti-Communism, both, to their 
regret and against their will, transcendentally create Socialism and Communism...; they 
and many others. Whether they want it or not, whether they know it or not, but they 
create formal Socialism and Communism, which we, the Communist-Marxists, must 
inevitably inherit. 

G - Inheritance? Who inherits? Trotskyism is completely liquidated. 

R - Although you say so, you do not believe it. However great may be the 
liquidations, we Communists will survive them. The long arm of 


Stalin and his police cannot reach all Communists. 

G - Rakovsky, I ask you, and if necessary command, to refrain from offensive 
hints. Do not go too far in taking advantage of your "diplomatic immunity." 

R - Do I have credentials? Whose ambassador am I? 

G - Precisely of that unreachable Trotskyism, if we agree to call him so. 

R - I cannot be a diplomat of Trotskyism, of which you hint. I have not been given 
that right to represent it, and I have not taken this role on myself. You have given it to 

G - I begin to trust you. I take note in your favour that at my hint about this 
Trotskyism you did not deny it. This is already a good beginning. 

R - But how can I deny it? After all, I myself mentioned it. 

G - Insofar as we have recognized the existence of this special Trotskyism by our 
mutual arrangement, I want you to give definite facts, which are necessary for the 
investigation of the given coincidence. 

R - Yes, I shall be able to mention that which you consider necessary to know and I 
shall do it on my own initiative, but I shall not be able to assert that this is always the 
thinking also of "Them." 

G - Yes, I shall look on it like that. 

R - We agreed that at the present moment the opposition cannot be interested in 
defeatism and the fall of Stalin, insofar as we do not have the physical possibility of 
taking his place. This is what we both agree. At present this is an incontrovertible fact. 
However, there is in existence a possible aggressor. There he is, that great nihilist Hitler, 
who is aiming with his terrible weapon of the Wehrmacht at the whole horizon. Whether 
we want it or not, but he will use it against the USSR? Let us agree that for us this is the 
decisive unknown fact or, do you consider that the problem has been correctly stated? 

G - It has been well put. But I can say that for me there is no unknown factor. I 
consider the attack of Hitler on the USSR to be inevitable. 

R - Why? 

G - Very simple; because he who controls it is inclined towards attack. Hitler is 
only the condottiere of international Capitalism. 

R - I agree that there is a danger, but from that to the assumption on this ground of 
the inevitability of his attack on the USSR — there is a whole abyss. 

G - The attack on the USSR is determined by the very essence of Fascism. In 
addition he is impelled towards it by all those Capitalist States which had allowed him to 
re-arm and to take all the necessary economic and strategic bases. This is quite obvious. 

R - You forget something very important. The re-armament of Hitler and the 
assistance he received at the present time from the Versailles nations (take good note of 
this) — were received by him during a special period, when we could still have become 
the heirs of Stalin in the case of his defeat, when the opposition still existed. . . Do you 
consider this fact to be a matter of chance or only a coincidence in time? 


G - I do not see any connexion between the permission of the Versailles Powers of 
German re-armament and the existence of the opposition. . . The trajectory of Hitlerism is 
in itself clear and logical. The attack on the USSR was part of his programme already a 
long time ago. The destruction of Communism and expansion in the East — these are 
dogmas from the book "Mein Kampf," that Talmud of National-Socialism. . ., but that 
your defeatists wanted to take advantage of this threat to the USSR that is, of course, in 
accordance with your train of thought. 

R - Yes, at a first glance this appears to be natural and logical, too logical and 
natural for the truth. 

G - To prevent this happening, so that Hitler would not attack us, we would have to 
entrust ourselves to an alliance with France. . ., but that would be a naivete. It would mean 
that we believe that Capitalism would be willing to make sacrifices for the sake of saving 

R - If we shall continue the discussion only on the foundation of those conceptions 
which apply for use at mass meetings, then you are quite right. But if you are sincere in 
saying this then, forgive me, I am disappointed; I had thought that the politics of the 
famous Stalinist police stand on a higher level. 

G - The Hitlerist attack on the USSR is, in addition, a dialectical necessity; it is the 
same as the inevitable struggle of the classes in the international plane. At the side of 
Hitler, inevitably, there will stand the whole global Capitalism. 

R - And so, believe me, that in the light of your scholastic dialectics, I have formed 
a very negative opinion about the political culture of Stalinism. I listen to your words as 
Einstein could listen to a schoolboy talking about physics in four dimensions. I see that 
you are only acquainted with elementary Marxism, i.e. with the demagogic, popular one. 

G - If your explanation will not be too long and involved, I should be grateful to 
you for some explanation of this "relativity" or "quantum" of Marxism. 

R - Here there is no irony; I am speaking with the best intentions. . . In this same 
elementary Marxism, which is taught even in your Stalinist University, you can find the 
statement which contradicts the whole of your thesis about the inevitability of the 
Hitlerist attack on the USSR. You are also taught that the cornerstone of Marxism is the 
assertion that, supposedly, contradictions are the incurable and fatal illness of 
Capitalism. . . Is that not so? 

G - Yes, of course. 

R - But if things are in fact such that we accuse Capitalism of being imbued with 
continuous Capitalistic contradictions in the sphere of economics, then why should it 
necessarily suffer from them also in politics? The political and economic is of no 
importance in itself; this is a condition or measurement of the social essence, but 
contradictions arise in the social sphere, and are reflected simultaneously in the economic 
or political ones, or in both at the same time. It would be absurd to assume fallibility in 
economics and simultaneously infallibility in 


politics — which is something essential in order that an attack on the USSR should 
become inevitable - according to your postulate - absolutely essential. 

G - This means that you rely in everything on the contradictions, fatality and 
inevitability of the errors which must be committed by the bourgeoisie, which will hinder 
Hitler from attacking the USSR. I am a Marxist, Rakovsky, but here, between ourselves, 
in order not to provide the pretext for anger to a single activist, I say to you that with all 
my faith in Marx I would not believe that the USSR exists thanks to the mistakes of its 
enemies. . . And I think that Stalin shares the same view. 

R - But I do think so. . . Do not look at me like that, as I am not joking and am not 

G - Permit me at least to doubt it, until you will have proved your assertions. 

R - Do you now see that I had reasons for qualifying your Marxist culture as being 
doubtful? Your arguments and reactions are the same as any rank and file activist. 

G - And they are wrong? 

R - Yes, they are correct for a small administrator, for a bureaucrat and for the 
mass. They suit the average fighter... They must believe this and repeat everything as it 
has been written. Listen to me by way of the completely confidential. With Marxism you 
get the same results as with the ancient esoteric religions. Their adherents had to know 
only that which was the most elementary and crude, insofar as by this one provoked their 
faith, i.e. that which is absolutely essential, both in religion and in the work of revolution. 

G - Do you not now want to open up to me the mystical Marxism, something like 
yet another freemasonry? 

R - No, no esoterics. On the contrary, I shall explain it with the maximal clarity. 
Marxism, before being a philosophical, economic and political system, is a conspiracy for 
the revolution. And as for us the revolution is the only absolute reality, it follows that 
philosophy, economics and politics are true only insofar as they lead to revolution. The 
fundamental truth (let us call it subjective) does not exist in economics, politics or even 
morals: in the light of scientific abstraction it is either truth or error, but for us, who are 
subject to revolutionary dialectic, it is only truth. And insofar as to us, who are subject to 
revolutionary dialectic, it is only truth, and therefore the sole truth, then it must be such 
for all that is revolutionary, and such it was to Marx. In accordance with this we must act. 
Remember the phrase of Lenin, in reply to someone who demonstrated by way of 
argument that, supposedly, his intention contradicted reality: "I feel it to be real" was his 
answer. Do you not think that Lenin spoke nonsense? No, for him every reality; every 
truth was relative in the face of the sole and absolute one: the revolution. Marx was a 
genius. If his works had amounted to only the deep criticism of Capitalism, then even that 
would have been an unsurpassed scientific work; but in those places where his writing 
reaches the level of mastery, there comes the effect of an apparently ironical work. 
"Communism" he says "must win because Capital will give it that victory, though its 
enemy." Such is the magisterial thesis of Marx... 


Can there be a greater irony? And then, in order that he should be believed, it was enough 
for him to depersonalize Capitalism and Communism, having transformed the human 
individual into a consciously thinking individual, which he did with the extraordinary 
talent of a juggler. Such was his sly method, in order to demonstrate to the Capitalists 
that they are a reality of Capitalism and that Communism can triumph as the result of 
inborn idiocy; since without the presence of immortal idiocy in homo economico there 
could not appear in him continuous contradictions as proclaimed by Marx. To be able to 
achieve the transformation of homo sapiens into homo stultum is to possess magical 
force, capable of bringing man down to the first stage of the zoological ladder, i.e. to the 
level of the animal. Only if there is homo stultum in the epoch of the apogee of 
Capitalism could Marx formulate his axiomatic proposition: contradictions plus time 
equal Communism. Believe me, when we who are initiated into this, contemplate the 
representation of Marx, for example the one which is placed above the main entrance to 
the Lubianka, then we cannot prevent the inner explosion of laughter by which Marx had 
infected us; we see how he laughs into his beard at all humanity. 

G - And you are still capable of laughing at the most revered scientist of the epoch? 

R - Ridicule, me?. . . This is the highest admiration! In order that Marx should be 
able to deceive so many people of science, it was essential that he should tower above 
them all. Well: in order to have judgments about Marx in all his greatness, we must 
consider the real Marx, Marx the revolutionary, Marx, judged by his manifesto. This 
means Marx the conspirator, as during his life the revolution was in a condition of 
conspiracy. It is not for nothing that the revolution is indebted for its development and its 
recent victories to these conspirators. 

G - Therefore you deny the existence of the dialectical process of contradictions in 
Capitalism, which lead to the final triumph of Communism ? 

R - You can be sure that if Marx believed that Communism will achieve victory 
only thanks to the contradictions in Capitalism, then he would not have once, never, 
mentioned the contradictions on the thousands of pages of his scientific revolutionary 
work. Such was the categorical imperative of the realistic nature of Marx: not the 
scientific, but the revolutionary one. The revolutionary and conspirator will never 
disclose to his opponent the secret of his triumph. . . He would never give the information; 
he would give him disinformation which you use in counter-conspiracy. Is that not so? 

G - However, in the end we have reached the conclusion (according to you) that 
there are no contradictions in Capitalism, and if Marx speaks of them then it is only a 
revolutionary-strategic method. That is so? But the colossal and ever-growing 
contradictions in Capitalism are there to see. And so we get the conclusion that Marx, 
having lied, spoke the truth. 

R - You are dangerous as a dialectician, when you destroy the brakes of scholastic 
dogmatism and give free rein to your own inventiveness. So it is, that Marx spoke the 
truth when he lied. He lied when he led into error, having defined the contradictions as 
being "continuous" in the history of the economics of capital and called them "natural 


inevitable," but at the same time he stated the truth because he knew that the 
contradictions would be created and would grow in an increasing progression until they 
reach their apogee. 

G - This means that with you there is an antithesis? 

R - There is no antithesis here. Marx deceives for tactical reasons about the origin 
of the contradictions in Capitalism, but not about their obvious reality. Marx knew how 
they were created, how they became more acute and how things went towards general 
anarchy in Capitalistic production, which came before the triumph of the Communist 
revolution. . . He knew it would happen because he knew those who created the 

G - It is a very strange revelation and piece of news, this assertion and exposal of 
the circumstance that that which leads Capitalism to its "suicide," by the well-chosen 
expression of the bourgeois economist Schmalenbach, in support of Marx, is not the 
essence and inborn law of Capitalism. But I am interested to know if we will reach the 
personal by this path? 

R - Have you not felt this intuitively? Have you not noticed how in Marx words 
contradict deeds? He declares the necessity and inevitability of Capitalist contradictions, 
proving the existence of surplus value and accumulation, i.e. he proves that which really 
exists. He nimbly invents the proposition that to a greater concentration of the means of 
production corresponds a greater mass of the proletariat, a greater force for the building 
of Communism, is that not so? Now go on: at the same time as this assertion he founds 
the International. Yet the International is, in the work of the daily struggle of the classes, 
a "reformist," i.e. an organization whose purpose is the limitation of the surplus value 
and, where possible, its elimination. For this reason, objectively, the International is a 
counter-revolutionary organization and anti-Communist, in accordance with Marx's 

G - Now we get that Marx is a counter-revolutionary and an anti-Communist. 

R - Well, now you see how one can make use of the original Marxist culture. It is 
only possible to describe the International as being counter-revolutionary and anti- 
Communist, with logical and scientific exactness, if one does not see in the facts anything 
more than the directly visible result, and in the texts only the letter. One comes to such 
absurd conclusions, while they seem to be obvious, when one forgets that words and facts 
in Marxism are subject to strict rules of the higher science: the rules of conspiracy and 

G - Will we ever reach the final conclusions? 

R - In a moment. If the class struggle, in the economic sphere, turns out to be 
reformist in the light of its first results, and for that reason contradicts the theoretical 
presuppositions, which determine the establishment of Communism, then it is, in its real 
and true meaning, purely revolutionary. But I repeat again: it is subject to the rules of 
conspiracy, that means to masking and the hiding of its true aims. . . The limitation of the 
surplus value and thus also of accumulations as the consequence of the class struggle — 
that is only a matter of appearances, an illusion, in order to stimulate the basic 
revolutionary movement in the masses. A strike is already an attempt at revolutionary 


ation. Independently of whether it wins or not, its economic effect is anarchical. As a 
result this method for the improvement of the economic position of one class brings 
about the impoverishment of the economy in general; whatever may be the scale and 
results of the strike, it will always bring about a reduction of production. The general 
result: more poverty, which the working class cannot shake off. That is already 
something. But that is not the only result and not the most important one. As we know, 
the only aim of any struggle in the economic sphere is to earn more and work less. Such 
is the economic absurdity, but according to our terminology, such is the contradiction, 
which has not been noticed by the masses, which are blinded at any given moment by a 
rise in wages, which is at once annulled by a rise in prices. And if prices are limited by 
governmental action, then the same thing happens, i.e. a contradiction between the wish 
to spend more, produce less, is qualified here by monetary inflation. And so one gets a 
vicious circle: a strike, hunger, inflation, hunger. 

G - With the exception when the strike takes place at the expense of the surplus 
value of Capitalism. 

R - Theory, pure theory. Speaking between ourselves, take any annual handbook 
concerning the economics of any country and divide rents and the total income by all 
those receiving wages or salaries, and you will see what an extraordinary result emerges. 
This result is the most counter-revolutionary fact, and we must keep it a complete secret. 
This is because if you deduct from the theoretical dividend the salaries and expenses of 
the directors, which would be the consequence on the abolition of ownership, then almost 
always there remains a dividend which is a debit for the proletariat. In reality always a 
debit, if we also consider the reduction in the volume and quality of production. As you 
will now see, a call to strike, as a means for achieving a quick improvement of the well- 
being of the proletariat is only an excuse; an excuse required in order to force it to 
commit sabotage of Capitalistic production. Thus to the contradictions in the bourgeois 
system are added contradictions within the proletariat; this is the double weapon of the 
revolution, and it - which is obvious - does not arise of itself: there exists an 
organization, chiefs, discipline, and above that there exists stupidity. Don't you suspect 
that the much-mentioned contradictions of Capitalism, and in particular the financial 
ones, are also organized by someone?. . . By way of basis for these deductions I shall 
remind you that in its economic struggle the proletarian International coincides with the 
financial International, since both produce inflation, and wherever there is coincidence 
there, one should assume, is also agreement. Those are his own words. 

G - I suspect here such an enormous absurdity, or the intention of spinning a new 
paradox, that I do not want to imagine this. It looks as if you want to hint at the existence 
of something like a Capitalistic second Communist International, of course an enemy 

R - Exactly so. When I spoke of the financial International, I thought of it as of a 
Comintern, but having admitted the existence of the "Comintern," I would not say that 
they are enemies. 

G - If you want to make us lose time on inventions and fantasies, I must tell you 
that you have chosen the wrong moment. 

R - By the way, are you assuming that I am like the courtesan from 


the "Arabian Nights," who used her imagination at night to save her life. . . No, if you 
think that I am departing from the theme, then you are wrong. In order to reach that 
which we have taken as our aim I, if I am not to fail, must first of all enlighten you about 
the most important matters, while bearing in mind your general lack of acquaintance with 
that which I would call the "Higher Marxism." I dare not evade these explanations as I 
know well that such lack of knowledge exists in the Kremlin. . . Permit me to continue. 

G - You may continue. But it is true that if all this were to be seen to be only a loss 
of time to excite the imagination, then this amusement will have a very sad epilogue. I 
have warned you. 

R - I continue as if I have heard nothing. Insofar as you are a scholastic with 
relation to Capital, and I want to awaken your inductive talents, I shall remind you of 
some very curious things. Notice with what penetration Marx comes to conclusions given 
the then existence of early British industry, concerning its consequences, i.e. the 
contemporary colossal industry: how he analyses it and criticizes; what a repulsive 
picture he gives of the manufacturer. In your imagination and that of the masses there 
arises the terrible picture of Capitalism in its human concretization: a fat-bellied 
manufacturer with a cigar in his mouth, as described by Marx, with self-satisfaction and 
anger throwing the wife and daughter of the worker onto the street. Is that not so? At the 
same time remember the moderation of Marx and his bourgeois orthodoxy when studying 
the question of money. In the problem of money there do not appear with him his famous 
contradictions. Finances do not exist for him as a thing of importance in itself; trade and 
the circulation of moneys are the results of the cursed system of Capitalistic production, 
which subjects them to itself and fully determines them. In the question of money Marx 
is a reactionary; to one's immense surprise he was one; bear in mind the "five-pointed 
star" like the Soviet one, which shines all over Europe, the star composed of the five 
Rothschild brothers with their banks, who possess colossal accumulations of wealth, the 
greatest ever known. . . And so this fact, so colossal that it misled the imagination of the 
people of that epoch, passes unnoticed with Marx. Something strange. . . Is that not so? It 
is possible that from this strange blindness of Marx there arises a phenomenon which is 
common to all future social revolutions. It is this: we can all confirm that when the 
masses take possession of a city or a country, then they always seem struck by a sort of 
superstitious fear of the banks and bankers. One had killed Kings, generals, bishops, 
policemen, priests and other representatives of the hated privileged classes; one robbed 
and burnt palaces, churches and even centres of science, but though the revolutions were 
economic-social, the lives of the bankers were respected, and as a result the magnificent 
buildings of the banks remained untouched. . . According to my information, before I had 
been arrested, this continues even now. . . 

G - Where? 

R - In Spain. . . Don't you know it? As you ask me, so tell me now: Do you not find 
all this very strange? Think, the police. . . I do not know, have you paid attention to the 
strange similarity which exists between the financial International and the proletarian 
International. I would say that one is the other side of the other, and the back side is the 
proletarian one as being more modern than the financial. 


G - Where do you see similarity in things so opposed? 

R - Objectively they are identical. As I had proved, the Comintern, paralleled, 
doubled by the reformist movement and the whole of syndicalism, calls forth the anarchy 
of production, inflation, poverty and hopelessness in the masses. Finances, chiefly the 
financial international, doubled, consciously or unconsciously by private finances, create 
the same contradictions, but in still greater numbers... Now we can already guess the 
reasons why Marx concealed the financial contradictions, which could not have remained 
hidden from his penetrating gaze, if finances had not had an ally, the influence of which - 
obj ectively revolutionary - was already then extraordinarily important. 

G - An unconscious coincidence, but not an alliance which presupposes 
intelligence, will and agreement... 

R - Let us leave this point of view if you like. Now let us better go over to the 
subjective analysis of finances and even more: let us see what sort of people personally 
are at work there. The international essence of money is well known. From this fact 
emerges that the organization which owns them and accumulates them is a cosmopolitan 
organization. Finances in their apogee - as an aim in themselves, the financial 
International - deny and do not recognize anything national, they do not recognize the 
State; and therefore it is anarchical and would be absolutely anarchical if it - the denier 
of any national State - were not itself, by necessity, a State in its own basic essence. The 
State as such is only power. And money is exclusively power. 

This communistic super-state, which we are creating already during a whole 
century, and the scheme of which is the International of Marx. Analyze it and you will 
see its essence. The scheme of the International and its prototype of the USSR — that is 
also pure power. The basic similarity between the two creations is absolute. It is 
something fatalistic, inevitable, since the personalities of the authors of both was 
identical. The financier is just as international as the Communist. Both, with the help of 
differing pretexts and differing means, struggle with the national bourgeois State and 
deny it. Marxism in order to change it into a Communist State; from this comes that the 
Marxist must be an internationalist: the financier denies the bourgeois national State and 
his denial ends in itself; in fact he does not manifest himself as an internationalist, but as 
a cosmopolitan anarchist. . . That is his appearance at the given stage, but let us see what 
he really is and what he wants to be. As you see, in rejection there is a clear similarity 
individually between Communist-internationalists and financial-cosmopolitans; as a 
natural result there is the same similarity between the Communist International and the 
financial International... 

G - This is a chance similarity subj ectively and obj ective in contradictions, but one 
easily eroded and having little significance and that which is most radical and existing in 

R - Allow me not to reply just now, so as not to interrupt the logical sequence. . . I 
only want to decipher the basic axiom: money is power. Money is today the centre of 
global gravity. I hope you agree with me? 

G - Continue, Rakovsky, I beg of you. 

R - The understanding of how the financial International has gradually, right up to 
our epoch, become the master of money, this 


magical talisman, which has become for people that which God and the nation had been 
formerly, is something which exceeds in scientific interest even the art of revolutionary 
strategy, since this is also an art and also a revolution. I shall explain it to you. 
Historiographers and the masses, blinded by the shouts and the pomp of the French 
revolution, the people, intoxicated by the fact that it had succeeded in taking all power 
from the King and the privileged classes, did not notice how a small group of mysterious, 
careful and insignificant people had taken possession of the real Royal power, the 
magical power, almost divine, which it obtained almost without knowing it. The masses 
did not notice that the power had been seized by others and that soon they had subjected 
them to a slavery more cruel than the King, since the latter, in view of his religious and 
moral prejudices, was incapable of taking advantage of such a power. So it came about 
that the supreme Royal power was taken over by persons, whose moral, intellectual and 
cosmopolitan qualities did allow them to use it. It is clear that this were people who had 
never been Christians, but cosmopolitans. 

G - What is that for a mythical power which they had obtained? 

R - They had acquired for themselves the real privilege of coining money. . . Do not 
smile, otherwise I shall have to believe that you do not know what moneys are. . . I ask 
you to put yourself in my place. My position in relation to you is that of the assistant of a 
doctor, who would have to explain bacteriology to a resurrected medical man of the 
epoch before Pasteur. But I can explain your lack of knowledge to myself and can forgive 
it. Our language makes use of words which provoke incorrect thoughts about things and 
actions, thanks to the power of the inertia of thoughts, and which do not correspond to 
real and exact conceptions. I say: money. It is clear that in your imagination there 
immediately appeared pictures of real money of metal and paper. But that is not so. 
Money is now not that; real circulating coin is a true anachronism. If it still exists and 
circulates, then it is only thanks to atavism, only because it is convenient to maintain the 
illusion, a purely imaginary fiction for the present day. 

G - This is a brilliant paradox, risky and even poetical. 

R - If you like, this is perhaps brilliant, but it is not a paradox. I know - and that is 
why you smiled - that States still coin money on pieces of metal or paper with Royal 
busts or national crests; well, so what? A great part of the money circulating, money for 
big affairs, as representative of all national wealth, money, yes money — it was being 
issued by those few people about whom I had hinted. Titles, figures, cheques, promissory 
notes, endorsements, discount, quotations, figures without end flooded States like a 
waterfall. What are in comparison with these the metallic and paper moneys?. . . 
Something devoid of influence, some kind of minimum in the face of the growing flood 
of the all-flooding financial money. They, being the most subtle psychologists, were able 
to gain even more without trouble, thanks to a lack of understanding. In addition to the 
immensely varied different forms of financial moneys, they created credit-money with a 
view to making its volume close to infinite. And to give it the speed of sound. . . it is an 
abstraction, a being of thought, a figure, number, credit, faith... 

Do you understand already?... Fraud; false moneys, given a legal standing..., using 
other terminology, so that you should understand 


me. Banks, the stock exchanges and the whole world financial system — is a gigantic 
machine for the purpose of bringing about unnatural scandals, according to Aristotle's 
expression; to force money to produce money — that is something that if it is a crime in 
economics, then in relations to finances it is a crime against the criminal code, since it is 
usury. I do not know by what arguments all this is justified: by the proposition that they 
receive legal interest... Even accepting that, and even that admission is more than is 
necessary, we see that usury still exists, since even if the interest received is legal, then it 
invents and falsifies the non-existent capital. Banks have always by way of deposits or 
moneys in productive movement a certain quantity of money which is five or perhaps 
even a hundred times greater than there are physically coined moneys of metal or paper. I 
shall say nothing of those cases when the credit-moneys, i.e. false, fabricated ones, are 
greater than the quantity of moneys paid out as capital. Bearing in mind that lawful 
interest is fixed not on real capital but on non-existing capital, the interest is illegal by so 
many times as the fictional capital is greater than the real one. 

Bear in mind that this system, which I am describing in detail, is one of the most 
innocent among those used for the fabrication of false money. Imagine to yourself, if you 
can, a small number of people, having unlimited power through the possession of real 
wealth, and you will see that they are the absolute dictators of the stock-exchange; and as 
a result of this also the dictators of production and distribution and also of work and 
consumption. If you have enough imagination then multiply this, by the global factor and 
you will see its anarchical, moral and social influence, i.e. a revolutionary one... Do you 
now understand? 

G - No, not yet. 

R - Obviously it is very difficult to understand miracles. 

G - Miracle? 

R - Yes, miracle. Is it not a miracle that a wooden bench has been transformed into 
a temple? And yet such a miracle has been seen by people a thousand times, and they did 
not bat an eyelid, during a whole century. Since this was an extraordinary miracle that the 
benches on which sat the greasy usurers to trade in their moneys, have now been 
converted into temples, which stand magnificently at every corner of contemporary big 
towns with their heathen colonnades, and crowds go there with a faith which they are 
already not given by heavenly gods, in order to bring assiduously their deposits of all 
their possessions to the god of money, who, they imagine, lives in the steel safes of the 
bankers, and who is preordained, thanks to his divine mission to increase the wealth to a 
metaphysical infinity. 

G - This is the new religion of the decayed bourgeoisie? 

R - Religion, yes, the religion of power. 

G - You appear to be the poet of economics. 

R - If you like, then in order to give a picture of finance, as of a work of art which 
is most obviously a work of genius and the most revolutionary of all times, poetry is 

G - This is a faulty view. Finances, as defined by Marx, and more especially 
Engels, are determined by the system of Capitalistic production. 


R - Exactly, but just the reverse: the Capitalistic system of production is 
determined by finance. The fact that Engels states the opposite and even tries to prove 
this, is the most obvious proof that finances rule bourgeois production. So it is and so it 
was even before Marx and Engels, that finances were the most powerful instrument of 
revolution and the Comintern was nothing but a toy in their hands. But neither Marx nor 
Engels will disclose or explain this. On the contrary, making use of their talent as 
scientists, they had to camouflage truth for a second time in the interests of the 
revolution. And that both of them did. 

G - This story is not new. All this somewhat reminds me of what Trotsky had 
written some ten years ago. 

R- Tell me... 

G - When he says that the Comintern is a conservative organization in comparison 
with the stock-exchange in New York; he points at the big bankers as being the inventors 
of the revolution. 

R - Yes, he said this in a small book in which he foretold the fall of England. . . Yes, 
he said this and added: "Who pushes England along the path of revolution?". . . and 
replied: "Not Moscow, but New York." 

G - But remember also his assertion that if the financiers of New York had forged 
the revolution, then it was done unconsciously. 

R - The explanation which I had already given in order to help to understand why 
Engels and Marx camouflaged the truth, is equally applicable also to Leo Trotsky. 

G - I value in Trotsky only that he in a sort of literary form interpreted an opinion 
of a fact which as such was too well known, with which one had already reckoned 
previously. Trotsky himself states quite correctly that these bankers "carry out irresistibly 
and unconsciously their revolutionary mission." 

R - And they carry out their mission despite the fact that Trotsky has declared it? 
What a strange thing! Why do they not improve their actions? 

G - The financiers are unconscious revolutionaries since they are such only 
objectively, as the result of their intellectual incapacity of seeing the final consequences. 

R - You believe this sincerely? You think that among these real geniuses there are 
some who are unconscious? You consider to be idiots people to whom today the whole 
world is subjected? This would really be a very stupid contradiction! 

G - What do you pretend to? 

R - I simply assert that they are revolutionaries objectively and subjectively, quite 

G - The bankers! You must be mad? 

R - I, no. . . But you? Think a little. These people are just like you and me. The 
circumstance that they control moneys in unlimited amounts, insofar as they themselves 
create them, does not give us the opportunity of determining the limits of all their 
ambitions. . . If there is something which provides a man with full satisfaction then it is 
the satisfaction of his ambition. And most of all the satisfaction of his 


will to power. Why should not these people, the bankers, have the impulse towards 
power, towards full power? Just as it happens to you and to me. 

G - But if, according to you - and I think the same - they already have global 
political power, then what other power do they want to possess? 

R - I have already told you: Full power. Such power as Stalin has in the USSR, but 

G - Such power as Stalin's, but with the opposite aim. 

R - Power, if in reality it is absolute, can be only one. The idea of the absolute 
excludes multiplicity. For that reason the power sought by the Comintern and 
"Comintern," which are things of the same order, being absolute, must also in politics be 
unique and identical: Absolute power has a purpose in itself, otherwise it is not absolute. 
And until the present day there has not yet been invented another machine of total power 
except the Communist State. Capitalistic bourgeois power, even on its highest rung of the 
ladder, the power of Caesar, is limited power since if, in theory, it was the personification 
of the deity in the Pharaohs and Caesars in ancient times, then nevertheless, thanks to the 
economic character of life in those primitive States and owing to the technical under- 
development of the State apparatus, there was always room for individual freedom. Do 
you understand that those who already partially rule over nations and worldly 
governments have pretensions to absolute domination? Understand that that is the only 
thing which they have not yet reached. 

G - This is interesting: at least as an example of insanity. 

R - Certainly, insanity in a lesser degree than in the case of Lenin, who dreamt of 
power over the whole world in his attic in Switzerland or the insanity of Stalin, dreaming 
of the same thing during his exile in a Siberian hut. I think that dreams of such ambitions 
are much more natural for the moneyed people, living in the skyscrapers of New York. 

G - Let us conclude: Who are they? 

R - You are so naive that you think that if I knew who "They" are, I would be here 
as a prisoner? 

G - Why? 

R - For a very simple reason, since he who is acquainted with them would not be 
put into a position in which he would be obliged to report on them. . . This is an 
elementary rule of every intelligent conspiracy, which you must well understand. 

G - But you said that they are the bankers? 

R - Not I; remember that I always spoke of the financial International, and when 
mentioning persons I said "They" and nothing more. If you want that I should inform you 
openly then I shall only give facts, but not names, since I do not know them. I think I 
shall not be wrong if I tell you that not one of "Them" is a person who occupies a 
political position or a position in the World Bank. As I understood after the murder of 
Rathenau in Rapallo, they give political or financial positions only to intermediaries. 
Obviously to persons who are trustworthy and loyal, which can be guaranteed a thousand 
ways: thus one can assert that bankers and politicians — are only men of straw... even 
though they 


occupy very high places and are made to appear to be the authors of the plans which are 
carried out. 

G - Although all this can be understood and is also logical, but is not your 
declaration of not knowing only an evasion? As it seems to me, and according to the 
information I have, you occupied a sufficiently high place in this conspiracy to have 
known much more. You do not even know a single one of them personally? 

R - Yes, but of course you do not believe me. I have come to that moment where I 
had explained that I am talking about a person and persons with a personality. . . how 
should one say?... a mystical one, like Gandhi or something like that, but without any 
external display. Mystics of pure power, who have become free from all vulgar trifles. I 
do not know if you understand me? Well, as to their place of residence and names, I do 
not know them. . . Imagine Stalin just now, in reality ruling the USSR, but not surrounded 
by stone walls, not having any personnel around him, and having the same guarantees for 
his life as any other citizen. By which means could he guard against attempts on his life? 
He is first of all a conspirator, however great his power, he is anonymous. 

G - What you are saying is logical, but I do not believe you. 

R - But still believe me; I know nothing; if I knew then how happy I would be! I 
would not be here, defending my life. I well understand your doubts and that, in view of 
your police education, you feel the need for some knowledge about persons. To honour 
you and also because this is essential for the aim which we both have set ourselves, I 
shall do all I can in order to inform you. You know that according to the unwritten 
history known only to us, the founder of the First Communist International is indicated, 
of course secretly, as being Weishaupt. You remember his name? He was the head of the 
masonry which is known by the name of the Illuminati; this name he borrowed from the 
second anti-Christian conspiracy of that era — Gnosticism. This important revolutionary, 
Semite and former Jesuit, foreseeing the triumph of the French revolution decided, or 
perhaps he was ordered (some mention as his chief the important philosopher 
Mendelssohn) to found a secret organization which was to provoke and push the French 
revolution to go further than its political objectives, with the aim of transforming it into a 
social revolution for the establishment of Communism. In those heroic times it was 
colossally dangerous to mention Communism as an aim; from this derive the various 
precautions and secrets, which had to surround the Illuminati. More than a hundred years 
were required before a man could confess to being a Communist without danger of going 
to prison or being executed. This is more or less known. What is not known are the 
relations between Weishaupt and his followers with the first of the Rothschilds. The 
secret of the acquisition of wealth of the best known bankers could have been explained 
by the fact that they were the treasurers of this first Comintern. There is evidence that 
when the five brothers spread out to the five provinces of the financial empire of Europe, 
they had some secret help for the accumulation of these enormous sums: it is possible 
that they were those first Communists from the Bavarian catacombs who were already 
spread all over Europe. But others say, and I think with better reason, that the Rothschilds 
were not the treasurers, but the 


chiefs of that first secret Communism. This opinion is based on that well-known fact that 
Marx and the highest chiefs of the First International - already the open one - and among 
them Herzen and Heine, were controlled by Baron Lionel Rothschild, whose 
revolutionary portrait was done by Disraeli [in Coningsby — Transl.] the English 
Premier, who was his creature, and has been left to us. He described him in the character 
of Sidonia, a man, who, according to the story, was a multi-millionaire, knew and 
controlled spies, carbonari, freemasons, secret Jews, gypsies, revolutionaries etc., etc. All 
this seems fantastic. But it has been proved that Sidonia is an idealized portrait of the son 
of Nathan Rothschild, which can also be deduced from that campaign which he raised 
against Tsar Nicholas in favour of Herzen. He won this campaign. 

If all that which we can guess in the light of these facts is true, then, I think, we 
could even determine who invented this terrible machine of accumulation and anarchy, 
which is the financial International. At the same time, I think, he would be the same 
person who also created the revolutionary International. It is an act of genius: to create 
with the help of Capitalism accumulation of the highest degree, to push the proletariat 
towards strikes, to sow hopelessness, and at the same time to create an organization 
which must unite the proletarians with the purpose of driving them into revolution. This 
is to write the most majestic chapter of history. Even more: remember the phrase of the 
mother of the five Rothschild brothers: "If my sons want it, then there will be no war." 
This means that they were the arbiters, the masters of peace and war, but not emperors. 
Are you capable of visualizing the fact of such a cosmic importance? Is not war already a 
revolutionary function? War — the Commune. Since that time every war was a giant step 
towards Communism. As if some mysterious force satisfied the passionate wish of Lenin, 
which he had expressed to Gorky. Remember: 1905-1914. Do admit at least that two of 
the three levers of power which lead to Communism are not controlled and cannot be 
controlled by the proletariat. 

Wars were not brought about and were not controlled by either the Third 
International or the USSR, which did not yet exist at that time. Equally they cannot be 
provoked and still less controlled by those small groups of Bolsheviks who plod along in 
the emigration, although they want war. This is quite obvious. The International and the 
USSR have even fewer possibilities for such immense accumulations of capital and the 
creation of national or international anarchy in Capitalistic production. Such an anarchy 
which is capable of forcing people to burn huge quantities of foodstuffs, rather than give 
them to starving people, and is capable of that which Rathenau described in one of his 
phrases, i.e.: "To bring about that half the world will fabricate dung, and the other half 
will use it." And, after all, can the proletariat believe that it is the cause of this inflation, 
growing in geometric progression, this devaluation, the constant acquisition of surplus 
values and the accumulation of financial capital, but not usury capital, and that as the 
result of the fact that it cannot prevent the constant lowering of its purchasing power, 
there takes place the proletarization of the middle classes, who are the true opponents of 
revolution? The proletariat does not control the lever of economics or the lever of war. 
But it is itself the third lever, the only visible and demonstrable lever, which carries out 
the final blow at the power of the Capitalistic State and takes it over. Yes, they seize it, if 
"They" yield it to them. . . 


G - I again repeat to you that all this, which you have set out in such a literate form, 
has a name which we have already repeated to excess in this endless conversation: the 
natural contradictions of Capitalism and if, as you claim, there is yet someone else's will 
and activity apart from the proletariat, then I want you to indicate to me concretely a 
personal case. 

R - You require only one? Well, then listen to a small story: "They" isolated the 
Tsar diplomatically for the Russo-Japanese War, and the United States financed Japan; 
speaking precisely, this was done by Jacob Schiff, the head of the bank of Kuhn, Loeb & 
Co., which is the successor of the House of Rothschild, whence Schiff originated. He had 
such power that he achieved that States which had colonial possessions in Asia supported 
the creation of the Japanese Empire which was inclined towards xenophobia; and Europe 
already feels the effects of this xenophobia. From the prisoner-of-war camps there came 
to Petrograd the best fighters, trained as revolutionary agents; they were sent there from 
America with the permission of Japan, obtained through the persons who had financed it. 
The Russo-Japanese War, thanks to the organized defeat of the Tsar's army, called forth 
the revolution of 1905, which, though it was premature, but was very nearly successful; 
even if it did not win, it still created the required political conditions for the victory of 
1917. 1 shall say even more. Have you read the biography of Trotsky? Recall its first 
revolutionary period. He is still quite a young man; after his flight from Siberia he lived 
some time among the emigres in London, Paris, and Switzerland; Lenin, Plekhanov, 
Martov and other chiefs look on him only as a promising newcomer. But he already dares 
during the first split to behave independently, trying to become the arbiter of the reunion. 
In 1905 he is 25 years old and he returns to Russia alone, without a party and without his 
own organization. Read the reports of the revolution of 1905 which have not been 
"pruned" by Stalin; for example that of Lunatcharsky, who was not a Trotskyite. Trotsky 
is the chief figure during the revolution in Petrograd. This is how it really was. Only he 
emerges from it with increased popularity and influence. Neither Lenin, nor Martov, nor 
Plekhanov acquire popularity. They only keep it and even lose a little. How and why 
there rises the unknown Trotsky, gaining power by one move greater than that which the 
oldest and most influential revolutionaries had? Very simple: he marries. Together with 
him there arrives in Russia his wife — Sedova. Do you know who she is? She is 
associated with Zhivotovsky, linked with the bankers Warburg, partners and relatives of 
Jacob Schiff, i.e. of that financial group which, as I had said, had also financed the 
revolution of 1905. Here is the reason why Trotsky, in one move, moves to the top of the 
revolutionary list. And here, too, you have the key to his real personality. Let us jump to 
1914. Behind the back of the people who made the attempt on the Archduke there stands 
Trotsky, and that attempt provoked the European War. Do you really believe that the 
murder and the war — are simple coincidences?. . ., as had been said at one of the Zionist 
congresses by Lord Melchett. Analyze in the light of "non-coincidence" the development 
of the military actions in Russia. "Defeatism" is an exemplary word. The help of the 
Allies for the Tsar was regulated and controlled with such skill that it gave the Allied 
ambassadors the right to make an argument of this and to get from Nicholas, thanks to 


his stupidity, suicidal advances, one after another. The mass of the Russian cannon 
fodder was immense, but not inexhaustible. A series of organized defeats led to the 
revolution. When the threat came from all sides, then a cure was found in the form of the 
establishment of a democratic republic — an "ambassadorial republic" as Lenin called it 
i.e. this meant the elimination of any threat to the revolutionaries. But that is not yet all. 
Kerensky was to provoke the future advance at the cost of a very great deal of blood. He 
brings it about so that the democratic revolution should spread beyond its bounds. And 
even still more: Kerensky was to surrender the State fully to Communism, and he does it. 
Trotsky has the chance in an "unnoticed manner" to occupy the whole State apparatus. 
What a strange blindness! Well that is the reality of the much praised October revolution. 
The Bolsheviks took that which "They" gave them. 

G - You dare to say that Kerensky was a collaborator of Lenin? 

R - Of Lenin — no. Of Trotsky — yes; it is more correct to say — a collaborator of 

G -An absurdity! 

R - You cannot understand. . . precisely you? It surprises me. If you were to be a 
spy and, while hiding your identity, you were to attain the position of commander of the 
enemy fortress, then would you not open the gates to the attacking forces in whose 
service you actually were? You would not have become a prisoner who had experienced 
defeat? Would you not have been in danger of death during the attack on the fortress if 
one of the attackers, not knowing that your uniform is only a mask, would have taken you 
for an enemy? Believe me: despite the statues and mausoleum — Communism is indebted 
to Kerensky much more than to Lenin. 

G - You want to say that Kerensky was a conscious and voluntary defeatist? 

R - Yes to me that is quite clear. Understand that I personally took part in all this. I 
shall tell you even more: Do you know who financed the October revolution? "They" 
financed it, in particular through those same bankers who had financed Japan in 1905, i.e. 
Jacob Schiff, and the brothers Warburg; that means through the great banking 
constellation, through one of the five banks who are members of the Federal Reserve, 
through the bank of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., here there took part also other American and 
European bankers, such as Guggenheim, Hanauer, Breitung, Aschberg, the "Nya 
Banken" of Stockholm. I was there "by chance," there in Stockholm, and participated in 
the transmission of funds. Until Trotsky arrived I was the only person who was an 
intermediary from the revolutionary side. But at last Trotsky came; I must underline that 
the Allies had expelled him from France for being a defeatist. And the same Allies 
released him so that he could be a defeatist in allied Russia. . . "Another chance." Who 
arranged it? The same people who had succeeded that Lenin passed through Germany. 
Yes, "They" were able to get the defeatist Trotsky out of a Canadian camp to England 
and send him on to Russia, giving him the chance to pass freely through all the Allied 
controls; others of "Them" - a certain Rathenau - accomplishes the journey of Lenin 
through enemy Germany. If you will undertake the study of the history of the revolution 
and civil war without prejudices, and will use all your 


enquiring capabilities, which you know how to apply to things much less important and 
less obvious, then when you study informations in their totality, and also study separate 
details right up to anecdotal happenings you will meet with a whole series of "amazing 

G - Alright, let us accept the hypothesis that not everything was simply a matter of 
luck. What deductions to you make here for practical results? 

R - Let me finish this little story, and then we shall both arrive at conclusions. 
From the time of his arrival in Petrograd Trotsky was openly received by Lenin. As you 
know sufficiently well, during the interval between the two revolutions there had been 
deep differences between them. All is forgotten and Trotsky emerges as the master of his 
trade in the matter of the triumph of the revolution, whether Stalin wants this or not. 
Why? This secret is known to the wife of Lenin — Krupskaya. She knows who Trotsky is 
in fact; it is she who persuaded Lenin to receive Trotsky. If he had not received him, then 
Lenin would have remained blocked up in Switzerland; this alone had been for him a 
serious reason, and in addition he knew that Trotsky provided money and helped to get a 
colossal international assistance, a proof of this was the sealed train. Furthermore it was 
the result of Trotsky's work, and not of the iron determination of Lenin that there was the 
unification round the insignificant party of the Bolsheviks of the whole Left-wing 
revolutionary camp, the social-revolutionaries and the anarchists. It was not for nothing 
that the real party of the "non-party" Trotsky was the ancient "Bund" of the Jewish 
proletariat, from which emerged all the Moscow revolutionary branches, and to whom it 
gave 90% of its leaders; not the official and well-known Bund, but the secret Bund which 
had been infiltrated into all the Socialist parties, the leaders of which were almost all 
under its control. 

G - And Kerensky too? 

R - Kerensky too. . ., and also some other leaders who were not Socialists, the 
leaders of the bourgeois political fractions. 

G - How is that? 

R - You forget about the role of freemasonry in the first phase of the democratic- 
bourgeois revolution? 

G - Were they also controlled by the Bund? 

R - Naturally, as the nearest step, but in fact subject to "Them." 

G - Despite the rising tide of Marxism which also threatened their lives and 

R - Despite all that; obviously they did not see that danger. Bear in mind that every 
mason saw and hoped to see in his imagination more that there was in reality, because he 
imagined that which was profitable for him. As a proof of the political power of their 
association they saw that masons were in governments and at the pinnacle of the States of 
the bourgeois nations, while their numbers were growing all the time. Bear in mind that 
at that time the rulers of all the Allied nations were freemasons, with very few 
exceptions. This was to them an argument of great force. They fully believed that the 
revolution would stop at the bourgeois republic of the French type. 

G - In accordance with the picture which was given of the Russia of 1917 one had 
to be a very naive person to believe all this. . . 


R - They were and are such. Masons had learned nothing from that first lesson 
which, for them, had been the Great Revolution, in which they piayed a colossal 
revolutionary role; it consumed the majority of masons, beginning with the Grand Master 
of the Orleans Lodge, more correctly the freemason Louis XVI, in order then to continue 

to destroy the Girondistes, the Hebertistes, the Jacoboins etc and if some survived it 

was due to the month of Brumaire. 

G - Do you want to say that the freemasons have to die at the hands of the 
revolution which has been brought about with their co-operation? 

R - Exactly so. You have formulated a truth which is veiled by a great secret. I am 
a mason, you already knew about that. Is that not so? Well, I shall tell you this great 
secret, which they promise to disclose to a mason in one of the higher degrees, but which 
is not disclosed to him either in the 25th, nor the 33rd, nor the 93rd, nor any other high 
level of any ritual. It is clear that I know of this not as a freemason, but as one who 
belongs to "Them"... 

G - And what is it? 

R - Every Masonic organization tries to attain and to create all the required 
prerequisites for the triumph of the Communist revolution; this is the obvious aim of 
freemasonry; it is clear that all this is done under various pretexts; but they always 
conceal themselves behind their well-known treble slogan. (Liberty, Equality, Fraternity 
— Transl.) You understand? But since the Communist revolution has in mind the 
liquidation, as a class, of the whole bourgeoisie, the physical destruction of all bourgeois 
political rulers, it follows that the real secret of masonry is the suicide of freemasonry as 
an organization, and the physical suicide of every more important mason. You can, of 
course, understand that such an end, which is being prepared for every mason, fully 
deserves the secrecy, decorativeness and the inclusion of yet another whole series of 
secrets, with a view to concealing the real one. If one day you were to be present at some 
future revolution then do not miss the opportunity of observing the gestures of surprise 
and the expression of stupidity on the face of some freemason at the moment when he 
realizes that he must die at the hands of the revolutionaries. How he screams and wants 
that one should value his services to the revolution! It is a sight at which one can die. . . 
but of laughter. 

G - And you still deny the inborn stupidity of the bourgeoisie? 

R - I deny it in the bourgeoisie as a class, but not in certain sectors. The existence 
of madhouses does not prove universal madness. Freemasonry is also a madhouse, but at 
liberty. But I continue further: the revolution has been victorious, the seizure of power 
has been achieved. There arises the first problem, peace, and with it the first differences 
within the party, in which there participate the forces of the coalition, which takes 
advantage of power. I shall not explain to you that which is well known about the 
struggle which developed in Moscow between the adherents and opponents of the peace 
of Brest-Litovsk. I shall only point out to you that which had already become evident 
then and was later called the Trotskyist opposition, i.e. these are the people, a part of 
whom have already been liquidated and the other part is to be liquidated: they were all 
against the signing of the peace treaty. That peace was a mistake and an unconscious 
betrayal by Lenin of the 


International Revolution. Imagine to yourself the Bolsheviks in Versailles at the Peace 
Conference, and then in the League of Nations, finding themselves inside Germany with 
the Red Army, which had been armed and increased by the Allies. The Soviet State 
should have participated with arms in the German revolution. . . Quite another map of 
Europe would then have emerged. But Lenin, intoxicated with power, with the help of 
Stalin, who had also tasted the fruits of power supported by the national Russian wing of 
the party, having at their disposal the material resources, enforced their will. Then was 
born "Socialism in one country," i.e. National-Communism, which has to-day reached its 
apogee under Stalin. It is obvious that there was a struggle, but only in such a form and 
extent that the Communist State should not be destroyed; this condition was binding on 
the opposition during the whole time of its further struggle right up to the present day. 
This was the reason for our first failure and all those which followed. But the fight was 
severe, cruel, although concealed in order not to compromise our participation in power. 
Trotsky organized, with the help of his friends, the attempt on Lenin's life by Kaplan. On 
his orders Blumkin killed the ambassador Mirbach. The coup d'etat which was prepared 
by Spiridonova with her social-revolutionaries had been co-ordinated with Trotsky. His 
man for all these affairs, who was immune from all suspicions, was that Rosenblum, a 
Lithuanian Jew, who used the name of O'Reilly, and was known as the best spy of the 
British Intelligence. In fact he was a man from "Them." The reason why this famous 
Rosenblum was chosen, who was known only as a British spy, was that in case of failure 
the responsibility for assassinations and conspiracies would fall not on Trotsky, and not 
on us, but on England. So it happened. Thanks to the Civil War we rejected conspiratorial 
and terrorist methods as we were given the chance of having in our hands the real forces 
of the State, insofar as Trotsky became the organizer and chief of the Soviet Army; 
before that the army had continuously retreated before the Whites and the territory of the 
USSR was reduced to the size of the former Moscow Principality. But here, as if by 
magic, it begins to win. What do you think, why? As the result of magic or chance? I 
shall tell you: when Trotsky took over the top command of the Red Army then he had by 
this in his hands the forces necessary to seize power. A series of victories was to increase 
his prestige and forces: it was already possible to defeat the Whites. Do you think that 
that official history was true which ascribes to the unarmed and ill-disciplined Red Army 
the fact that with its help there was achieved a series of victories? 

G - But to whom then? 

R - To the extent of ninety per cent they were indebted to "Them." You must not 
forget that the Whites were, in their way, democratic. The Mensheviks were with them 
and the remnants of all the old Liberal parties. Inside these forces "They" always had in 
their service many people, consciously and unconsciously. When Trotsky began to 
command then these people were ordered systematically to betray the Whites and at the 
same time they were promised participation, in a more or less short time, in the Soviet 
Government. Maisky was one of those people, one of the few in the case of which this 
promise was carried out, but he was able to achieve this only after Stalin had become 
convinced of his loyalty. This sabotage, linked with a progressive diminution of the help 
of the Allies to the White generals, who apart from all that 


were luckless idiots, forced them to experience defeat after defeat. Finally Wilson 
introduced in his famous 14 Points Point 6, the existence of which was enough in order 
to bring to an end once and for all the attempts of the Whites to fight against the USSR. 
The Civil War strengthens the position of Trotsky as the heir of Lenin. So it was without 
any doubt. The old revolutionary could now die, having acquired fame. If he remained 
alive after the bullet of Kaplan, he did not emerge alive after the secret process of the 
forcible ending of his life, to which he was subj ected. 

G - Trotsky shortened his life? This is a big favourable point for our trial! Was it 
not Levin who was Lenin's doctor? 

R - Trotsky?. . . It is probable that he participated, but it is quite certain that he 
knew about it. But as far as the technical realization is concerned. . ., that is unimportant; 
who knows this? "They" have a sufficient number of channels in order to penetrate to 
wherever they want. 

G - In any event the murder of Lenin is a matter of the greatest importance and it 
would be worth while to transfer it for examination to the next trial. . . What do you think, 
Rakovsky, if you were by chance to be the author of this affair? It is clear that if you fail 
to achieve success in this conversation... The technical execution suits you well as a 
doctor. . . 

R - I do not recommend this to you. Leave this matter alone, it is sufficiently 
dangerous for Stalin himself. You will be able to spread your propaganda as you wish: 
but "They" have their propaganda which is more powerful and the question as to qui 
podest — who gains, will force one to see in Stalin the murderer of Lenin, and that 
argument will be stronger than any confessions extracted from Levin, me or anyone else. 

G - What do you want to say by this? 

R - That it is the classical and infallible rule in the determination of who the 
murderer is to check who gained. . ., and as far as the assassination of Lenin is concerned, 
in this case the beneficiary was his chief — Stalin. Think about this and I very much ask 
you not to make these remarks, as they distract me and do not make it possible for me to 

G - Very well, continue, but you already know. . . 

R - It is well known that if Trotsky did not inherit from Lenin then it was not 
because by human calculations there was something missing in the plan. During Lenin's 
illness Trotsky held in his hands all the threads of power, which were more than 
sufficient to enable him to succeed Lenin. And measures had been taken to declare a 
sentence of 

Wilson's Point 6 read: "The evacuation of all Russian territory, and such a settlement of all questions 
affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest co-operation of the other nations of the world in 
obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her 
own political development and national policy, and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free 
nations under institutions of her own choosing, and more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that 
she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to 
come will be the acid test of their good will, of heir comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their 
own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy." — Transl. 


death on Stalin. For Trotsky the dictator it was enough to have in his hands the letter of 
Lenin against his then chief — Stalin, which had been torn from her husband by 
Krupskaya, to liquidate Stalin.* But a stupid mischance, as you know, ruined all our 
chances. Trotsky became ill unexpectedly and at the decisive moment, when Lenin dies, 
he becomes incapable of any action during a period of several months. Despite his 
possession of enormous advantages, the obstacle was our organization of the affair, i.e. 
its personal centralization. It is obvious that such a person as Trotsky, prepared in 
advance for his mission, which he was to realize, cannot be created at once, by 
improvisation. None among us, not even Zinoviev, had the requisite training and qualities 
for this undertaking; on the other hand Trotsky, being afraid of being displaced, did not 
himself want to help anybody. Thus, after the death of Lenin, when we had to be face to 
face with Stalin, who commenced a feverish activity, we foresaw then already our defeat 
in the Central Committee. We had to improvise a decision: and it was to ally ourselves 
with Stalin, to become Stalinists more than he himself, to exaggerate in everything and, 
therefore, to sabotage. The rest you know already: that was our uninterrupted 
subterranean struggle and our continuous failure to Stalin's advantage, while he displays 
police talents of genius, having absolutely no equals in the past. And even more: Stalin, 
possessing national atavism, which had not been uprooted in him by his early Marxism, 
apparently for that reason underlines his pan-Russianism, and in this connexion resurrects 
a class which we had to destroy, that is the class of National-Communists, as opposed to 
the Internationalist-Communists, which we are. He places the International at the service 
of the USSR and it already accepts his mastery. If we want to find an historical parallel, 
then we must point to Bonapartism, and if we want to find a person of Stalin's type, then 
we shall not find an historical parallel for him. But perhaps I shall be able to find it in its 
basic characteristics by combining two people: Fouche and Napoleon. Let us try to 
deprive the latter of his second half, his accessories, uniforms, military rank, crown and 
such like things, which, it seems, do not tempt Stalin, and then together they will give us 
a type identical with Stalin in the most important respects: he is the killer of the 
revolution, he does not serve it, but makes use of its services; he represents the most 
ancient Russian Imperialism, just as Napoleon identified himself with the Gauls, he 
created an aristocracy, even if not a military one, one, since there are no victories, then a 
bureaucratic-police one. 

G - That is enough. Rakovsky. You are not here to make Trotskyist propaganda. 
Will you at last get to something concrete? 

R - It is clear that I shall, but not before I had reached the point at which you will 
have formulated for yourself an at least superficial conception concerning "Them," with 
whom you will have to reckon in practice and in concrete actuality. Not sooner. For me it 
is far more important than for you not to fail, which you must, naturally, understand. 

G - Well, try to shorten the story as far as possible. 

R - Our failures, which get worse every year, prevent the immediate carrying out of 
that which "They" have prepared in the after-war period for the further leap of the 
revolution forward. The Versailles Treaty, 

It will be observed that twice Rakovsky states that Stalin had been Lenin's chief; this may be a 
misunderstanding — Transl. 


quite inexplicable for the politicians and economists of all nations, insofar as nobody 
could guess its projection, was the most decisive precondition for the revolution. 

G - This is a very curious theory. How do you explain it? 

R - The Versailles reparations and economic limitations were not determined by the 
advantages of individual nations. Their arithmetical absurdity was so obvious that even 
the most outstanding economists of the victorious countries soon exposed this. France 
alone demanded as reparations a great deal more than the cost of all her national 
possessions, more than one would have had to pay if the whole of France had been 
converted into a Sahara; even worse was the decision to impose on Germany payment 
obligations which were many times greater that it could pay, even if it had sold itself 
fully and given over the whole of its national production. In the end the true result was 
that in practice Germany was forced to carry out a fantastic dumping so that it could pay 
something on account of reparations. And of what did the dumping consist? An 
insufficiency of consumer goods, hunger in Germany and in corresponding measure 
unemployment in the importing countries. And since they could not import there was also 
unemployment in Germany. Hunger and unemployment on both sides; all this were the 
first results of Versailles. . . Was this treaty revolutionary or not? Even more was done: 
one undertook an equal control in the international plane. Do you know what that 
undertaking represents in the revolutionary plane? It means to impose an anarchical 
absurdity to force every national economy to produce in sufficient volume all that it 
needs, while assuming that to attain that one does not have to take account of climate, 
natural riches and also the technical education of directors and workers. The means for 
compensation for inborn inequalities of soil, climate, availability of minerals, oil, etc., 
etc. in various national economies, were always the circumstance that poor countries had 
to work more. This means that they had to exploit more deeply the capacities of the 
working force in order to lessen the difference which arises from the poverty of the soil; 
and to this are added a number of other inequalities which had to be compensated by 
similar measures, let us take the example of industrial equipment. I shall not expand the 
problem further, but the control of the working day carried through by the League of 
Nations on the basis of an abstract principle of the equality of the working day, was a 
reality in the context of an unchanged International Capitalist system of production and 
exchange and established economic inequality, since here we had to deal with an 
indifference to the aim of work, which is a sufficient production. The immediate result of 
this was an insufficiency of production, compensated by imports from countries with a 
sufficient natural economy and an industrial self-sufficiency: insofar as Europe had gold, 
that import was paid by gold. Then came the apparent boom in America which 
exchanged its immense production for gold and gold certificates, of which there was 
plenty. On the model of any anarchy of production there appeared at that period an 
unheard-of financial anarchy. "They" took advantage of it on the pretext of helping it 
with thr aid of another and still greater anarchy: the inflation of the official money (cash) 
and the a hundred times greater inflation of their own money, credit money, i.e. false 
money. Remember how systematically there came devaluation in many countries; the 
destruction of the value of money in Germany, the American crisis and its pheno- 


menal consequences..., a record unemployment; more than thirty million unemployed in 
Europe and USA alone. Well, did not the Versailles Peace Treaty and its League of 
Nations serve as a revolutionary pre-condition? 

G - This could have happened even if not intended. Could you not prove to me why 
the revolution and Communism retreat before logical deductions; and more than that: 
they oppose fascism which has conquered in Spain and Germany... What can you tell 

R - I shall tell you that only in the case of the non-recognition of "Them" and their 
aims you would be right. . ., but you must not forget about their existence and aims, and 
also the fact that in the USSR power is in the hands of Stalin. 

G - I do not see the connexion here.... 

R - Because you do not want to: you have more than sufficient deductive talents 
and capabilities of reasoning. I repeat again: for us Stalin is not a Communist, but a 

G - So what? 

R - We do not wish that the great preconditions which we had created at Versailles 
for the triumph of the Communist revolution in the world, which, as you see, have 
become a gigantic reality, would serve the purpose of bringing victory to Stalin's 
Bonapartism. . . Is that sufficiently clear for you? Everything would have been different if 
in this case Trotsky had been the dictator of the USSR; that would have meant that 
"They" would have been the chiefs of International Communism. 

G - But surely fascism is totally anti-Communist, as in relation to the Trotsky ist 
and the Stalinist Communism. . . and if the power which you ascribe to "Them" is so 
great, how is it that they were unable to avoid this? 

R - Because it were precisely "They" who gave Hitler the possibility of triumphing. 

G - You exceed all the boundaries of absurdity. 

R - The absurd and the miraculous become mixed as the result of a lack of culture. 
Listen to me. I have already admitted the defeat of the opposition. "They" saw in the end 
that Stalin cannot be overthrown by a coup d'etat and their historical experience 
suggested to them the decision of a repetition (repris) with Stalin of that which had been 
done with the Tsar. There was here one difficulty, which seemed to us insuperable. In the 
whole of Europe there was not a single aggressor-State. Not one of them was 
geographically well placed and had an army sufficient for an attack on Russia. If there 
was no such country, then "They" had to create it. Only Germany had the corresponding 
population and positions suitable for an attack on the USSR, and it was capable of 
defeating Stalin; you can understand that the Weimar republic had not been invented as 
an aggressor either politically or economically; on the contrary, it was suited to an 
invasion. On the horizon of a hungry Germany there sparkled the meteor of Hitler. A pair 
of penetrating eyes fixed their attention on it. The world was the witness to his lightning 
rise. I shall not say that all of it was the work of our hands, no. His rise, uninterruptedly 
increasing in extent, took place as the result of the Revolutionary-Communist economy 
of Versailles. Versailles had had in mind not the creation of preconditions for the triumph 


Hitler, but for the proletarization of Germany, for unemployment and hunger, as the 
result of which there should have triumphed the Communist revolution. But insofar as, 
thanks to the existence of Stalin at the head of the USSR and the International, the latter 
did not succeed, and as a result of an unwillingness to give up Germany to Bonapartism, 
these preconditions were somewhat abated in the Davis and Young Plans, in expectation 
that meanwhile the opposition would come to power in Russia. . ., but that, too, did not 
happen; but the existence of revolutionary preconditions had to produce its results. The 
economic predetermination of Germany would have forced the proletariat into 
revolutionary actions. Through the fault of Stalin the Social-International revolution had 
to be held up and the German proletariat sought inclusion in the National-Socialist 
revolution. This was dialectical, but given all the preconditions and according to common 
sense the National-Socialist revolution could never have triumphed there. That was not 
yet all. It was necessary that the Trotskyists and Socialists should divide the masses with 
an already awakened and whole class consciousness — in accordance with instructions. 
With this business we concerned ourselves. But even more was needed: In 1929, when 
the National-Socialist Party began to experience a crisis of growth and it had insufficient 
financial resources, "They" sent their ambassador there. I even know his name: it was 
one of the Warburgs. In direct negotiations with Hitler they agreed as to the financing of 
the National-Socialist Party, and the latter received in a couple of years millions of 
Dollars, sent to it from Wall Street, and millions of Marks from German financiers 
through Schacht; the upkeep of the S.A. and S.S. and also the financing of the elections 
which took place, which gave Hitler power, are done on the Dollars and Marks sent by 

G - Those who, according to you, want to achieve full Communism, arm Hitler, 
who swears that he will uproot the first Communist nation. This, if one is to believe you, 
is something very logical for the financiers. 

R - You again forget the Stalinist Bonapartism. Remember that against Napoleon, 
the strangler of the French revolution, who stole its strength, there stood the obj ective 
revolutionaries — Louis XVIII, Wellington, Metternich and right up to the Tsar- 
Autocrat. . . This is 22 carat, according to the strict Stalinist doctrine. You must know by 
heart his theses about colonies with regard to imperialistic countries. Yes, according to 
him the Kings of Afghanistan and Egypt are objectively Communists owing to their 
struggle against His Britannic Majesty; why cannot Hitler be objectively Communist 
since he is fighting against the autocratic "Tsar Koba I"? (Meaning Stalin — Transl.) 
After all there is Hitler with his growing military power, and he already extends the 
boundaries of the Third Reich, and in future will do more. . . to such an extent as to have 
enough strength and possibilities to attack and fully destroy Stalin. . . Do you not observe 
the general sympathy of the Versailles wolves, who limit themselves only to a weak 
growl? Is this yet another chance, accident? Hitler will invade the USSR and as in 1917, 
when defeat suffered by the Tsar then gave us the opportunity of overthrowing him, so 
the defeat of Stalin will help us to remove him. . . Again the hour of the world revolution 
will strike. Since the democratic states, at present put to sleep, will help to bring about 
the general change at that moment, when Trotsky will take power into his hands, as 
during the Civil War. Hitler will attack from the West, his generals will rise 


and liquidate him. . . Now tell me, was not Hitler objectively a Communist? Yes or no? 

G - I do not believe in fairy tales or miracles. . . 

R - Well if you do not want to believe that "They" are able to achieve that which 
they had already achieved, then prepare to observe an invasion of the USSR and the 
liquidation of Stalin within a year. You think this is a miracle or an accident, well then 
prepare to see and experience that. . . But are you really able to refuse to believe that of 
which I have spoken, though this is still only a hypothesis? You will begin to act in this 
direction only at that moment when you will begin to see the proofs in the light of my 

G - All right, let us talk in the form of a supposition. What will you say? 

R - You yourself had drawn attention to the coincidence of opinions, which took 
place between us. We are not at the moment interested in the attack on the USSR, since 
the fall of Stalin would presuppose the destruction of Communism, the existence of 
which interests us despite the circumstance that it is formal, as that gives us the certainty 
that we shall succeed in taking it over and then converting it into real Communism. I 
think that I have given you the position at the moment quite accurately. 

G - Splendid, the solution. . . 

R - First of all we must make sure that there would be no potential possibility of an 
attack by Hitler. 

G - If, as you confirm, it were "They" who made him Fuhrer, then they have power 
over him and he must obey them. 

R - Owing to the fact that I was in a hurry I did not express myself quite correctly 
and you did not understand me well. If it is true that "They" financed Hitler, then that 
does not mean that they disclosed to him their existence and their aims. The ambassador 
Warburg presented himself under a false name and Hitler did not even guess his race, he 
also lied regarding whose representative he was. He told him that he had been sent by the 
financial circles of Wall Street who were interested in financing the National-Socialist 
movement with the aim of creating a threat to France, whose governments pursue a 
financial policy which provokes a crisis in the USA. 

G - And Hitler believed it? 

R - We do not know. That was not so important, whether he did or did not believe 
our explanations; our aim was to provoke a war. . ., and Hitler was war. Do you now 

G - I understand. Consequently I do not see any other way of stopping him as the 
creation of a coalition of the USSR with the democratic nations, which would be capable 
of frightening Hitler. I think he will not be able to attack simultaneously all the countries 
of the world. The most would be — each in turn. 

R - Does not a simpler solution come to your mind. . ., I would say — a counter- 
revolutionary one? 

G - To avoid war against the USSR? 


R - Shorten the phrase by half. . . and repeat with me "avoid war". . . is that not an 
absolutely counter-revolutionary thing? Every sincere Communist imitating his idol 
Lenin and the greatest revolutionary strategists must always wish for war. Nothing is so 
effective in bringing nearer the victory of revolution as war. This is a Marxist-Leninist 
dogma, which you must preach. Now further: Stalin's National-Communism, this type of 
Bonapartism, is capable of blinding the intellect of the most pure-blooded Communists, 
right up to the point at which it prevents their seeing that the transformation into which 
Stalin has fallen, i.e., that he subjects the revolution to the State, and not the State to the 
revolution, it would be correct. . . 

G - Your hate of Stalin blinds you and you contradict yourself. Have we not agreed 
that an attack on the USSR would not be welcome? 

R - But why should war be necessarily against the Soviet Union? 

G - But on what other country could Hitler make war? It is sufficiently clear that he 
would direct his attack on the USSR, of this he speaks in his speeches. What further 
proofs do you need? 

R - If you, the people from the Kremlin, consider it to be quite definite and not 
debatable, then why did you provoke the Civil War in Spain. Do not tell me that it was 
done for purely revolutionary reasons. Stalin is incapable of carrying out in practice a 
single Marxist theory. If there were revolutionary considerations here, then it would not 
be right to sacrifice in Spain so many excellent international revolutionary forces. This is 
the country which is furthest from the USSR, and the most elementary strategic education 
would not have allowed the loss of these forces. . . How would Stalin be able in case of 
conflict to supply and render military help to a Spanish Soviet republic? But this was 
correct. There we have an important strategic point, a crossing of opposing influences of 
the Capitalist States. . ., it might have been possible to provoke a war between them. I 
admit that theoretically this may have been right, but in practice — no. You already see 
how the war between the democratic Capitalist and fascist States did not begin. And now 
I shall tell you: if Stalin thought that he was capable of himself creating an excuse 
sufficient in order to provoke a war, in which the Capitalist States would have had to 
fight among themselves, then why does he not at least admit, if only theoretically, that 
others too can achieve the same thing, which did not seem impossible to him?. . . 

G - If one is to agree with your assumptions then one can admit this hypothesis. 

R - That means that there is yet a second point of agreement between us: the first — 
that there must be no war against the USSR, the second — that it would be well to 
provoke it between the bourgeois States. 

G - Yes, I agree. Is that your personal opinion, or "Theirs"? 

R - I express it as my opinion. I have no power and no contact with "Them," but I 
can confirm that in these two points it coincides with the view of the Kremlin. 

G - That is the most important thing and for that reason it is important to establish 
this beforehand. By the way, I would also like to know on what you base yourself in your 
confidence that "They" approve this. 


R. If I had the time in order to explain their full scheme, then you would already 
know about the reasons for their approval. At the present moment I shall condense them 
to three: 

G - Just which? 

R - One is that which I had already mentioned. Hitler, this uneducated and 
elementary man, has restored thanks to his natural intuition and even against the technical 
opinion of Schacht, an economic system of a very dangerous kind. Being illiterate in all 
economic theories and being guided only by necessity he removed, as we had done it in 
the USSR, the private and international capital. That means that he took over for himself 
the privilege of manufacturing money, and not only physical moneys, but also financial 
ones; he took over the untouched machinery of falsification and put it to work for the 
benefit of the State. He exceeded us, as we, having abolished it in Russia, replaced it 
merely by this crude apparatus called State Capitalism; this was a very expensive triumph 
in view of the necessities of pre-revolutionary demagogy. . . Here I give you two real facts 
for comparison. I shall even say that Hitler had been lucky; he had almost no gold and for 
that reason he was not tempted to create a gold reserve. Insofar as he only possessed a 
full monetary guarantee of technical equipment and colossal working capacity of the 
Germans, his "old reserve" was technical capacity and work..., something so completely 
counter-revolutionary that, as you already see, he has by means of magic, as it were, 
radically eliminated unemployment among more than seven million technicians and 

G - Thanks to increased re-armament. 

R - What does your re-armament give? If Hitler reached this despite all the 
bourgeois economists who surround him, then he was quite capable, in the absence of the 
danger of war, of applying his system also to peaceful production. . . Are you capable of 
imagining what would have come of this system if it had infected a number of other 
States and brought about the creation of a period of autarky. . . For example the 
Commonwealth. If you can, then imagine its counter-revolutionary functions... The 
danger is not yet inevitable, as we have had luck in that Hitler restored his system not 
according to some previous theory, but empirically, and he did not make any formulation 
of a scientific kind. This means that insofar as he did not think in the light of a deductive 
process based on intelligence, he has no scientific terms or a formulated doctrine; yet 
there is a hidden danger as at any moment there can appear, as the consequence of 
deduction, a formula. This is very serious. Much more so that all the external and cruel 
factors in National-Socialism. We do not attack it in our propaganda as it could happen 
that through theoretical polemics we would ourselves provoke a formulation and 
systematization of this so decisive economic doctrine." There is only one solution — war. 

Rakovsky is wrong, as he mentions in "Mein Kampf" Hitler had read the works of Gottfried Feder 
— Transl. 

The problem of a scientific formulation of this question and the propounding of a corresponding 
programme has engaged the active attention of the publishers of this book and their associates for some 
years. Their conclusion have been published. In the translator's book "The Struggle for World Power," 
second edition 1963, p. 79 a full solution of the monetary problem is set out, and on p. 237 there is a full 
economic, political and social programme. These conclusions can be obtained on application. 


R - If the Termidor triumphed in the Soviet revolution then this happened as the 
result of the existence of the former Russian nationalism. Without such a nationalism 
Bonapartism would have been impossible. And if that happened in Russia, where 
nationalism was only embryonic in the person of the Tsar, then what obstacles must 
Marxism meet in the fully developed nationalism of Western Europe? Marx was wrong 
with respect to the advantages for the success of the revolution. Marxism won not in the 
most industrialized country, but in Russia, where the proletariat was small. Apart from 
other reasons our victory here is explained by the fact that in Russia there was no real 
nationalism, and in other countries it was in its full apogee. You see how it is reborn 
under this extraordinary power of fascism, and how infectious it is. You can understand 
that apart from that it can benefit Stalin, the need for the destruction of nationalism is 
alone worth a war in Europe. 

G - In sum you have set out, Rakovsky, one economic and one political reason. 
Which is the third? 

R - That is easy to guess. We have yet another reason, a religious one. Communism 
cannot be the victor if it will not have suppressed the still living Christianity. History 
speaks very clearly about this: the permanent revolution required seventeen centuries in 
order to achieve its first partial victory — by means of the creation of the first split in 
Christendom. In reality Christianity is our only real enemy, since all the political and 
economic phenomena in the bourgeois States are only its consequences. Christianity, 
controlling the individual, is capable of annulling the revolutionary proj ection of the 
neutral Soviet or atheistic State by choking it and, as we see it in Russia, things have 
reached the point of the creation of that spiritual nihilism which is dominant in the ruling 
masses, which have, nevertheless, remained Christian: this obstacle has not yet been 
removed during twenty years of Marxism. Let us admit in relation to Stalin that towards 
religion he was not Bonapartistic. We would not have done more than he and would have 
acted in the same way. And if Stalin had dared, like Napoleon, to cross the Rubicon of 
Christianity, then his nationalism and counter-revolutionary power would have been 
increased a thousand-fold. In addition, if this had happened then so radical a difference 
would have made quite impossible any collaboration in anything between us and him, 
even if this were to be only temporary and objective. . . like the one you can see becoming 
apparent to us. 

G - And so I personally consider that you have given a definition of three 
fundamental points, on the basis of which a plan can be made. That is what I am in 
agreement about with you for the present. But I confirm to you my mental reservations, 
i.e. my suspicion in relation to all that which you have said concerning people, 
organizations and facts. Now continue to follow the general lines of your plan. 

R - Yes, now this moment has arrived. But only a preliminary qualification: I shall 
speak on my own responsibility. I am responsible for the interpretation of those 
preceding points in the sense in which "They" understand them, but I admit that "They" 
may consider another plan to be more effective for the attainment of the three aims, and 
one quite unlike that which I shall now set out. Bear that in mind. 

G - Very well, we shall bear it in mind. Please speak. 


R - We shall simplify. Insofar as the object is missing for which the German 
military might had been created - to give us power in the USSR - the aim now is to bring 
about an advance on the fronts and to direct the Hitlerist advance not towards the East, 
but the West. 

G - Exactly. Have you thought of the practical plan of realization? 

R - I had had more than enough time for that at the Lubianka. I considered. So 
look: if there were difficulties in finding mutually shared points between us and all else 
took its normal course, then the problems comes down to again trying to establish that in 
which there is similarity between Hitler and Stalin. 

G - Yes, but admit that all this is problematical. 

R - But not insoluble, as you think. In reality problems are insoluble only when 
they include dialectical subjective contradictions; and even in that case we always 
consider possible and essential a synthesis, overcoming the "morally-impossible" of 
Christian metaphysicians. 

G - Again you begin to theorize. 

R - As the result of my intellectual discipline — this is essential for me. People of a 
big culture prefer to approach the concrete through a generalization, and not the other 
way round. With Hitler and with Stalin one can find common ground, as, being very 
different people, they have the same roots; if Hitler is sentimental to a pathological 
degree, but Stalin is normal, yet both of them are egoists: neither one of them is an 
idealist, and for that reason both of them are Bonapartists, i.e. classical Imperialists. And 
if just that is the position, then it is already not difficult to find common ground between 
them. Why not, if it proved possible between one Tsarina and one Prussian King. . . 

G - Rakovsky, you are incorrigible. . . 

R - You do not guess? If Poland was the point of union between Catherine and 
Frederick — the Tsarina of Russia and the King of Germany at that time, then why cannot 
Poland serve as a reason for the finding of common ground between Hitler and Stalin? In 
Poland the persons of Hitler and Stalin can coincide, and also the historical Tsarist 
Bolshevik and Nazi lines. Our line, "Their" line — also, as Poland is a Christian State 
and, what makes the matter even more complex, a Catholic one. 

G - And what follows from the fact of such a treble coincidence? 

R - If there is common ground then there is a possibility of agreement. 

G - Between Hitler and Stalin?... Absurd! Impossible. 

R - In politics there are neither absurdities, nor the impossible. 

G - Let us imagine, as an hypothesis: Hitler and Stalin advance on Poland. 

R - Permit me to interrupt you; an attack can be called forth only by the following 
alternative: war or peace. You must admit it. 

G - Well, and so what? 

R - Do you consider that England and France, with their worse 


armies and aviation, in comparison with Hitler's, can attack the united Hitler and Stalin? 

G - Yes, that seems to me to be very difficult. . . unless America. . . 

R - Let us leave the United States aside for the moment. Will you agree with me 
that as the result of the attack of Hitler and Stalin on Poland there can be no European 

G - You argue logically; it would seem impossible. 

R - In that case an attack or war would be useless. It would not call forth the mutual 
destruction of the bourgeois States: the Hitlerist threat to the USSR would continue in 
being after the division of Poland since theoretically both Germany and the USSR would 
have been strengthened to the same extent. In practice Hitler to a greater extent since the 
USSR does not need more land and raw materials for its strengthening, but Hitler does 
need them. 

G - This is a correct view. . ., but I can see no other solution. 

R - No, there is a solution. 

G - Which? 

R - That the democracies should attack and not attack the aggressor. 

G - What are you saying, what hallucination! Simultaneously to attack and not to 
attack. . . That is something absolutely impossible. 

R - You think so? Calm down. . . Are there not two aggressors? Did we not agree 
that there will be no advance just because there are two? Well... What prevents the attack 
on one of them? 

G - What do you want to say by that? 

R - Simply that the democracies will declare war only on one aggressor, and that 
will be Hitler. 

G - Yes, but that is an unfounded hypothesis. 

R - An hypothesis, but having a foundation. Consider: each State which will have 
to fight with a coalition of enemy States has as its main strategic objective to destroy 
them separately one after another. This rule is so well known that proofs are superfluous. 
So, agree with me that there are no obstacles to the creation of such conditions. I think 
that the question that Stalin will not consider himself aggrieved in case of an attack on 
Hitler is already settled. Is that not so? In addition geography imposes this attitude, and 
for that reason strategy also. However stupid France and England may be in preparing to 
fight simultaneously against two countries, one of which wants to preserve its neutrality, 
while the other, even being alone, represents for them a serious opponent, from where 
and from which side could they carry out an attack on the USSR? They have not got a 
common border; unless they were to advance over the Himalayas... Yes, there remains 
the air front, but with what forces and from where could they invade Russia? In 
comparison with Hitler they are weaker in the air. All the arguments I have mentioned 
are no secret and are well known. As you see, all is simplified to a considerable extent. 

G - Yes, your arguments seem to be logical in the case if the conflict will be limited 
to four countries; but there are not four, but more, and neutrality is not a simple matter in 
a war on the given scale. 


R - Undoubtedly, but the possible participation of many countries does not change 
the power relationships. Weigh this in your mind and you will see how the balance will 
continue, even if others or even all European States come in. In addition, and this is very 
important, not one of those States, which will enter the war at the side of England and 
France will be able to deprive them of leadership; as a result the reasons which will 
prevent their attack on the USSR will retain their significance. 

G - You forget about the United States. 

R - In a moment you will see that I have not forgotten. I shall limit myself to the 
investigation of their function in the preliminary programme, which occupies us at 
present, and I shall say that America will not be able to force France and England to 
attack Hitler and Stalin simultaneously. In order to attain that the United States would 
have to enter the war from the very first day. But that is impossible. In the first place 
because America did not enter a war formerly and never will do so if it is not attacked. Its 
rulers can arrange that they will be attacked, if that will suit them. Of that I can assure 
you. In those cases when provocation was not successful and the enemy did not react to 
it, aggression was invented. In their first international war, the war against Spain, of the 
defeat of which they were sure, they invented an aggression, or, more correctly, "They" 
invented it. In 1914 provocation was successful. True, one can dispute technically if there 
was one, but the rule without exceptions is that he who makes a sudden attack without 
warning, does it with the help of a provocation. Now it is like this: this splendid 
American technique which I welcome at any moment, is subject to one condition: that 
aggression should take place at a suitable moment, i.e. the moment required by the 
United States who are being attacked; that means then, when they will have the arms. 
Does this condition exist now? It is clear that it does not. In America there are at present 
a little less than one hundred thousand men under arms and a middling aviation: it has 
only an imposing fleet. But you can understand that, having it, it can not persuade its 
allies to decide on an attack on the USSR, since England and France have preponderance 
only at sea. I have also proved to you that from that side there can be no change in the 
comparative strengths of the forces. 

G - Having agreed with this, I ask you again to explain once more the technical 

R - As you have seen, given the coincidence of the interests of Stalin and Hitler 
with regard to an attack on Poland, all comes down to the formalization of this full 
similarity of aims and to make a pact about a double attack. 

G - And you think this is easy? 

R - Frankly, no. Here we need a diplomacy which is more experienced than that of 
Stalin. There ought to have been available the one which Stalin had decapitated, or the 
one which now decays in the Lubianka. In former times Litvinov would have been 
capable, with some difficulties, although his race would have been a great obstacle for 
negotiations with Hitler; but now this is a finished man and he is destroyed by a terrible 
panic; he is experiencing an animal fear of Molotov, even more than of Stalin. His whole 
talent is directed towards making sure that they should not think that he is a Trotskyist. If 
he were to hear of the necessity of arranging closer relations with Hitler, then that 


would be enough for him to manufacture for himself the proof of his Trotskyism. I do not 
see a man who is capable of this job; in any event he would have to be a pure-blooded 
Russian. I could offer my services for guidance. At the present moment I would suggest 
to the one who begins the talks, that they should be strictly confidential, but with great 
open sincerity. Given a whole wall of various prejudices only truthfulness can deceive 

G - I again do not understand your paradoxical expressions. 

R - Forgive me, but this only appears to be so; I am forced by the synthesis to do 
so. I wanted to say that with Hitler one must play a clean game concerning the concrete 
and most immediate questions. It is necessary to shew him that the game is not played in 
order to provoke him into war on two fronts. For example, it is possible to promise him 
and to prove at the most suitable moment that our mobilization will be limited to a small 
number of forces, required for the invasion of Poland, and that these forces will not be 
great. According to our real plan we shall have to place our main forces to meet the 
possible Anglo French attack. Stalin will have to be generous with the preliminary 
supplies which Hitler will demand, chiefly oil. That is what has come to my mind for the 
moment. Thousands of further questions will arise, of a similar character, which will 
have to be solved so that Hitler, seeing in practice that we only want to occupy our part 
of Poland, would be quite certain of that. And insofar as in practice it should be just like 
that, he will be deceived by the truth. 

G - But in what, in this case, is there a deception? 

R - I shall give you a few minutes of time so that you yourself can discover just in 
what there is a deception of Hitler. But first I want to stress, and you should take note, 
that the plan which I have indicated here, is logical and normal and I think that one can 
achieve that the Capitalistic States will destroy each other, if one brings about a clash of 
their two wings: the fascist and the bourgeois. I repeat that the plan is logical and normal. 
As you have already been able to see, there is no intervention here of mysterious or 
unusual factors. In short in order that one should be able to realize the plan, "Their" 
intervention is not required. Now I should like to guess your thoughts: are you not now 
thinking that it would be stupid to waste time on proving the unprovable existence and 
power held by "Them." Is that not so? 

G - You are right. 

R - Be frank with me. Do you really not observe their intervention? I informed you, 
wanting to help you, that their intervention exists and is decisive, and for that reason the 
logic and naturalness, of the plan are only appearances. . . Is it really true that you do not 
see "Them"? 

G - Speaking sincerely, no. 

R - The logic and naturalness of my plan is only an appearance. It would be natural 
and logical that Hitler and Stalin would inflict defeat on each other. For the democracies 
that would be a simple and easy thing, if they would have to put forward such an aim, for 
them it would be enough that Hitler should be permitted, make note "permitted" to attack 
Stalin. Do not tell me that Germany could be defeated. If the Russian distances and the 
dreadful fear of Stalin and his henchmen of the Hitlerite axe and the revenge of their 
victims will not be enough 


in order to attain the military exhaustion of Germany, then there will be no obstacles to 
the democracies, seeing that Stalin is losing strength, beginning to help him wisely and 
methodically, continuing to give that help until the complete exhaustion of both armies. 
In reality that would be easy, natural and logical, if those motives and aims which are put 
forward by the democracies and which most of their followers believe to be the true ones, 
and not what they are in reality — pretexts. There is only one aim, one single aim: the 
triumph of Communism; it is not Moscow which will impose its will on the democracies, 
but New York, not the "Comintern," but the "Capintern" on Wall Street. Who other that 
he could have been able to impose on Europe such an obvious and absolute 
contradiction? What force can lead it towards complete suicide? Only one force is able to 
do this: money. Money is power and the sole power. 

G - I shall be frank with you, Rakovsky. I admit in you an exceptional gift of talent. 
You possess brilliant dialectic, persuasive and subtle: when this is not enough for you, 
then your imagination has command of means in order to extend your colourful canvas, 
while you invent brilliant and clear perspectives; but all this, although it provokes my 
enthusiasm, is not enough for me. I shall go over to putting questions to you, assuming 
that I believe all that you have said. 

R - And I shall give you replies, but with one single condition, that you should not 
add anything to what I shall say, nor deduct. 

G - I promise. You assert that "They" hinder or will hinder a German-Soviet war, 
which is logical from the point of view of the Capitalists. Have I explained it correctly? 

R - Yes, precisely so. 

G - But the reality of the present moment is such that Germany has been permitted 
to re-arm and expand. This is a fact. I already know that in accordance with your 
explanation this was called forth by the Trotskyist plan, which fell through thanks to the 
"cleanings-out" now taking place; thus the aim has been lost. In the face of a new 
situation you only advise that Hitler and Stalin should sign a pact and divide Poland. I 
ask you: how can we obtain a guarantee that, having the pact, or not having it, carrying 
out, or not carrying out the partition, Hitler will not attack the USSR? 

R - This cannot be guaranteed. 

G - Then why go on talking? 

R - Do not hurry. The magnificent threat to the USSR is real and exists. This is not 
an hypothesis and not a verbal threat. It is a fact and a fact which obliges. "They" already 
have superiority over Stalin, a superiority which cannot be denied. Stalin is offered only 
one alternative, the right to choose, but not full freedom. The attack of Hitler will come 
in any case of its own accord; "They" need not do anything to make it happen but only 
leave him the chance of acting. This is the basic and determining reality, which has been 
forgotten by you owing to your excessively Kremlin-like way of thinking. . . Egocentrism, 
Sir, egocentrism. 

G - The right to choose? 

R - I shall define it exactly once more, but shortly: either there will be an attack on 
Stalin, or there will come the realization of the plan I have indicated, according to which 
the European Capitalistic 


States will destroy each other. I drew attention to this alternative, but as you see it was 
only a theoretical one. If Stalin wants to survive then he will be forced to realize the plan 
which has been proposed by me and ratified by "Them." 

G - But if he refuses? 

R - That will be impossible for him. The expansion and re-armament of Germany 
will continue. When Stalin will be faced by this gigantic threat. . ., then what will he do? 
This will be dictated to him by his own instinct of self-preservation. 

G - It seems that events must develop only according to the orders indicated by 

R - And it is so. Of course, in the USSR to-day things still stand like this, but 
sooner or later it will happen like that all the same. It is not difficult to foretell and to 
suggest for carrying out something, if it is profitable for the person who must realize the 
matter, in the given case Stalin, who is hardly thinking of suicide. It is much more 
difficult to give a prognosis and to force to act as needed someone for whom that is not 
profitable, but who must act nevertheless, in the given case the democracies. T have kept 
the explanation for this moment to give a concrete picture of the true position. Reject the 
wrong thought that you are the arbiters in the given situation, since "They" are the 

G - "They" both in the first and the second case. . . Therefore we must deal with 

R - But are facts shadows? The international situation will be extraordinary, but not 
shadowy; it is real and very real. This is not a miracle; here is predetermined the future 
policy. . . Do you think this is the work of shadows? 

G - But let us see; let us assume that your plan is accepted. . . But we must have 
something tangible, personal, in order to be able to carry out negotiations. 

R - For example? 

G - Some person with powers of attorney and representation. 

R - But for what? Just for the pleasure of becoming acquainted with him? For the 
pleasure of a talk? Bear in mind that the assumed person, in case of his appearance, will 
not present you with credentials with seals and crests and will not wear a diplomatic 
uniform, at least a man from "Them"; if he were to say something or promise, then it will 
have no Juridical force or meaning as a pact. . . Understand that "They" are not a State; 
"They" are that which the International was before 1917, that which it still is nothing and 
at the same time everything. Imagine to yourself if it is possible that the USSR would 
have negotiations with freemasonry, with an espionage organization, with the 
Macedonian Komitadgi or the Croatian Ustashi. Would not some Juridical agreement be 
written?. . . Such pacts as the pact of Lenin with the German General Staff, as the pact of 
Trotsky with "Them" — are realized without written documents and without signatures 
The only guarantee of their execution is rooted in the circumstance that the carrying out 
of that which has been agreed is profitable for the parties to the pact, this guarantee is the 
sole reality in the pact, however great may be its importance. 


G - From what would you begin in the present case? 

R - Simple; I should begin already from to-morrow to sound out Berlin. . . 

G - In order to agree about the attack on Poland? 

R - I would not begin with that. . . I would display my willingness to yield and 
would hint about certain disappointments among the democracies, I would soft-pedal in 
Spain. . . This would be an act of encouragement; then I would drop a hint about Poland. 
As you see — nothing compromising, but enough so that a part of the OKW (German 
High Command — Transl.), the Bismarckists, as they are called, would have some 
arguments to put before Hitler. 

G - And nothing more? 

R - For the beginning, nothing more; this is already a big diplomatic task. 

G - Speaking frankly, having in mind the aims which have been dominant in the 
Kremlin until now, I do not think that anyone would at present dare to advise such a 
radical change in international policy. I propose to you, Rakovsky, to transform yourself 
in imagination into that person at the Kremlin which will have to take the decision. . . On 
the basis only of your disclosures, arguments, your hypotheses and persuasion, as I see it, 
it would be impossible to convince anyone. I personally, after having listened to you and 
at the same time, I shall not deny it, having experienced a strong influence from your 
explanations, of your personality, have not for a single moment experienced the 
temptation to consider the German-Soviet pact to be something realizable. 

R - International events will force with irresistible strength. . . 

G - But that would be a loss of valuable time. Consider something concrete, 
something which I could put forward as a proof of your veracity and credibility. . . In the 
contrary case I should not dare to transmit your information about our conversation; I 
should edit it with all accuracy, but it would reach the Kremlin archives and stay there. 

R - Would it not be enough to bring about that it is taken into consideration if 
someone, even in a most official manner, were to have a talk with some very important 

G - It seems to me that this would be something real. 

R - But with whom? 

G - This is only my personal opinion, Rakovsky. You had mentioned concrete 
persons, big financiers; if I remember correctly, you had spoken about a certain Schiff, 
for example; then you mentioned another who had been the go-between with Hitler for 
the purpose of financing him. There are also politicians or persons with a big position, 
who belong to "Them" or, if you like, serve "Them." Someone like that could be of use 
to us in order to start something practical. . . Do you know someone? 

R - I do not think it is necessary. . . Think: about what will you be negotiating? 
Probably about the plan which I have set out, is that not so? For what? At the present 
moment "They" need not do anything in this context; "Their" mission is "not to do." And 
for that reason you would not be able to agree about any positive action and could not 
demand it... Remember, consider well. 


G - Even if that is so, yet in view of our personal opinion there must be a reality, 
even if a useless one. . ., a man, a personality which would confirm the credibility of the 
power, which you ascribe to "Them." 

R - I shall satisfy you, although I am sure of the uselessness of this. I have already 
told you that I do not know who is a part of "Them," but have assurances from a person 
who must have known them. 

G - From whom? 

R - From Trotsky. From Trotsky I know only that one of "Them" was Walter 
Rathenau, who was well known from Rapallo. You see the last of "Them" who occupied 
a political and social position, since it was he who broke the economic blockade of the 
USSR. Despite the fact that he was one of the biggest millionaires; of course, such also 
was Lionel Rothschild. I can with confidence mention only these names. Naturally I can 
name still more people, the work and personality of whom I determine as being fully 
"Theirs," but I cannot confirm what these people command or whom they obey. 

G - Mention some of them. 

R - As an institutions — the Bank of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., of Wall Street; to this bank 
belong the families of Schiff, Warburg, Loeb and Kuhn; I say families in order to point 
out several names, since they are all connected among themselves by marriages; then 
Baruch, Frankfurter, Altschul, Cohen, Benjamin, Strauss, Steinhardt, Blom, Rosenman, 
Lippmann, Lehman, Dreifus, Lamont, Rothschild, Lord, Mandel Morgenthau, Ezekiel, 
Lasky. I think that that will be enough names; if I were to strain my memory, then 
perhaps I would remember some more but I repeat, that I do not know who among them 
can be one of "Them" and I cannot even assert, that any one of them is definitely of their 
number; I want to avoid any responsibility. But I certainly think that any one of the 
persons I have enumerated, even of those not belonging to "Them," could always lead to 
"Them" with any proposition of an important type. Of course, independently of whether 
this or that person does or does not belong to "Them," one cannot expect a direct reply. 
The answer will be given by facts. That is the unchangeable tactic which they prefer and 
with which they force one to reckon. For example, if you would risk beginning 
diplomatic initiatives, then you would not need to make use of the method of a personal 
approach to "Them"; one must limit oneself to the expression of thoughts, the exposition 
of some rational hypothesis, which depends on unknown definite factors. Then it only 
remains to wait. 

G - You understand that I have not got a card-index at my disposal at the moment, 
in order to establish all the men you have mentioned: I assume that they are probably 
somewhere far away. Where? 

R - Most of them in the United States. 

G - Please understand that if we were to decide to act, then we would have to 
devote much time to it. But the matter is urgent, and urgent not for us, but for you, 

R - For me? 

G - Yes. for you. Remember that your trial will take place very soon. I do not 
know, but I think it will not be risky to assume that if all that had been discussed here 
were to interest the Kremlin, then it 


must interest them before you appear before the tribunal: that would be for you a decisive 
matter. I think it is in your personal interests that you should propose something quicker 
to us. The most important thing is to get proofs that you spoke the truth, and to do this 
not during a period of several weeks, but during several days. I think that if you were to 
succeed in this, then I could nearly give you fairly solid assurances concerning the 
possibility of saving your life. . . In the contrary case I answer for nothing. 

R - In the end I shall take the risk. Do you know if Davis is at present in Moscow? 
Yes, the Ambassador of the United States. 

G - I think he is; he should have returned. 

R - Only an exceptional situation gives me the right, as I see it, against the rules, to 
make use of an official intermediary. 

G - Therefore we can think that the American Government is behind all this. . . 

R - Behind — no under all this. . . 

G - Roosevelt? 

R - What do I know? I can only come to conclusions. You are all the time obsessed 
with the mania of political espionage. I could manufacture, in order to please you, a 
whole history; I have more than sufficient imagination, dates and true facts in order to 
give it veracity in appearance, which would be close to looking obvious. But are not the 
generally known facts more obvious? And you can supplement them with your own 
imagination, if you wish. Look yourself. Remember the morning of the 24th October 
1929. The time will come when this day will be for the history of the revolution more 
important than October, 1917. On the day of the 24th October there took place the crash 
of the New York Stock Exchange, the beginning of the so-called "depression," a real 
revolution. The four years of the Government of Hoover — are years of revolutionary 
progress: 12 and 15 millions on strike. In February, 1933 there takes place the last stroke 
of the crisis with the closing of the banks. It is difficult to do more than capital did in 
order to break the "classical American," who was still on his industrial bases and in the 
economic respect enslaved by Wall Street. It is well known that any impoverishment in 
economics, be it in relation to societies or animals, gives a flourishing of parasitism, and 
capital is a large parasite. But this American revolution pursued not only the one aim of 
increasing the power of money for those who had the right to use it, it pretended to even 
more. Although the power of money is political power, but before that it had only been 
used indirectly, but now the power of money was to be transformed into direct power. 
The man through whom they made use of such power was Franklin Roosevelt. Have you 
understood? Take note of the following: In that year 1929, the first year of the American 
revolution, in February Trotsky leaves Russia; the crash takes place in October... The 
financing of Hitler is agreed in July, 1929. You think that all this was by chance? The 
four years of the rule of Hoover were used for the preparation of the seizure of power in 
the United States and the USSR; there by means of a financial revolution, and here with 
the help of war and the defeat which was to follow. Could some good novel with great 
imagination be more obvious to you? You can understand that the execution of 


the plan on such a scale requires a special man, who can direct the executive power in the 
United States, who has been predetermined to be the organizing and deciding force. That 
man was Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt. And permit me to say that this two-sexed being 
is not simply irony. He had to avoid any possible Delilah. 

G - Is Roosevelt one of "Them"? 

R - I do not know if he is one of "Them," or is only subject to "Them." What more 
do you want? I think that he was conscious of his mission, but cannot assert whether he 
obeyed under duress of blackmail or he was one of those who rule; it is true that he 
carried out his mission, realized all the actions which had been assigned to him 
accurately. Do not ask me more, as I do not know any more. 

G - In case it should be decided to approach Davis, in which form would you do it? 

R - First of all you must select a person of such a type as "the baron"; he could be 
useful... Is he still alive? 

G - I do not know. 

R - All right, the choice of persons is left to you. Your delegate must present 
himself as being confidential or not modest, but best of all as a secret oppositionist. The 
conversation must be cleverly conducted concerning that contradictory position into 
which the USSR has been put by the so-called European democracies, by their union 
against National-Socialism. This is the conclusion of an alliance with the British and 
French Imperialism, the contemporary real Imperialism, for the destruction of the 
potential Imperialism. The aim of the verbal expressions must be to conjoin the false 
Soviet position with an equally false one of American democracy. . . It also sees itself 
forced to support Colonial Imperialism for the defense of democracy within England and 
France. As you see, the question can be put onto a very strong logical foundation. After 
that it is already very easy to formulate an hypothesis about actions. The first: that neither 
the USSR, nor the United States are interested in European Imperialism and thus the 
dispute is brought down to the question of personal hegemony; that ideologically and 
economically Russia and America want the destruction of European Colonial 
Imperialism, be it direct or oblique. The United States want it even more. If Europe were 
to lose all its power in a new war, then England, not having its own forces, with the 
disappearance of Europe as a force, as power, would from the first day lean, with all its 
weight and with the whole of its Empire, speaking the English language, on the United 
States, which would be inevitable both in the political and economic sense. . . Analyze 
what you have heard in the light of the Left conspiracy, as one might say, without 
shocking any American bourgeois. Having got to this point, one could have an interval 
for a few days. Then, having noted the reaction, it will be necessary to move further. 
Now Hitler comes forward. Here one can point to any aggression: he is fully an aggressor 
and of this there can be no doubt. And then one can go over to asking a question: What 
common action should be undertaken by the United States and the Soviet Union in view 
of the war between the Imperialists, who want it? The answer could be — neutrality. One 
must argue again: yes, neutrality, but it does not depend on the wish of one side, but also 
of the aggressor. There can be a guarantee of neutrality only when the aggressor cannot 
attack or it does 


not suit him. For this purpose the infallible answer is the attack of the aggressor on 
another Imperialist State. From this it is very easy to go over to the expression of the 
necessity and morality, with a view to guaranteeing safety, for provoking a clash between 
the Imperialists, if that clash were not to take place of its own accord. And if that were to 
be accepted in theory, and it will be accepted, then one can regulate the question of 
actions in practice, which would be only a matter of technique. Here is a scheme: (1) A 
pact with Hitler for the division between us of Czechoslovakia and Poland (better the 
latter). (2) Hitler will accept. If he is capable of backing a bluff for the conquest, i.e. the 
seizure of something in alliance with the USSR, then for him there will be full guarantee 
in that the democracies will yield. He will be unable to believe their verbal threats as he 
knows that those who try to intimidate by war threats are at the same time partisans of 
disarmament and that their disarmament is real. (3) The democracies will attack Hitler 
and not Stalin; they will tell the people that although both are guilty of aggression and 
partition, but strategic and logical reasons force them to defeat them one by one: first 
Hitler and then Stalin. 

G - But will they not deceive us with truth? 

R - But how? Does not Stalin dispose of freedom of action in order to help Hitler in 
sufficient measure? Do we not put in his hands the possibility of continuing the war 
between the Capitalists until the last man and the last pound? With what can they attack 
him? The exhausted States of the West will already have enough on their hands with 
internal Communist revolution, which in the other case may triumph. 

G - But if Hitler achieves a quick victory and if he, like Napoleon, mobilizes the 
whole of Europe against the USSR? 

R - This is quite improbable! You forget about the existence of the United States. 
You reject the power factor, a greater one. Is it not natural that America, imitating Stalin, 
would on its part help the democratic States? If one were to co-ordinate "against the 
hands of the clock" the help to both groups of fighters, then thus there will be assured 
without failure a permanent extension of the war. 

G - And Japan? 

R - Is not China enough for them? Let Stalin guarantee them his non-intervention. 
The Japanese are very fond of suicide, but after all not to such an extent as to be capable 
of simultaneously attacking China and the USSR. Any more objections? 

G - No, if it were to depend on me, then I would try . . . But do you believe that the 

R - Yes, I believe. I was not given the chance of speaking with him, but note one 
detail: the appointment of Davis became known in November, 1936; we must assume that 
Roosevelt thought of sending him much sooner and with that in mind began preliminary 
steps; we all know that the consideration of the matter and the official explanations of the 
appointment take more than two months. Apparently his appointment was agreed in 
August. . . And what happened in August? In August Zinoviev and Kamenev were shot. I 
am willing to swear that his appointment was made for the purpose of a new involvement 
of "Them' in the politics of Stalin. Yes, I certainly think so. With what an inner 
excitement must he have traveled, seeing how one after another 


there fall the chiefs of the opposition in the "purges" which follow one on another. Do 
you know it he was present at trial of Radeck? 


R - You will see him. Have a talk with him. He expects it already for many months. 

G - This night we must finish; but before we part I want to know something more. 
Let us assume that all this is true and all will be carried out with full success. "They" will 
put forward definite conditions. Guess what they might be? 

R - This is not difficult to assume. The first condition will be the ending of the 
executions of the Communists, that means the Trotskyists, as you call them. Then, of 
course, they will demand the establishment of several zones of influence, as I had 
mentioned. The boundaries which will have to divide the formal Communism from the 
real one. That is the most important condition. There will be mutual concessions for 
mutual help for a time, while the plan lasts, being carried out. You will see for example 
the paradoxical phenomenon that a whole crowd of people, enemies of Stalin, will help 
him, no they will not necessarily be proletarians, nor will they be professional spies. 
There will appear influential persons at all levels of society, even very high ones, who 
will help the Stalinist formal Communism when it becomes if not real, then at least 
objective Communism. Have you understood me? 

G - A little; you wrap up such things in such impenetrable casuistry. 

R - If it is necessary to end, then I can only express myself in this way. Let us see if 
I shall not be able yet to help to understand. It is known that Marxism was called 
Hegelian. So this question was vulgarized. Hegelian idealism is a widespread adjustment 
to an uninformed understanding in the West of the natural mysticism of Baruch Spinoza. 
"They" are Spinozists: perhaps the matter is the other way round, i.e. that Spinozism is 
"Them," insofar as he is only a version adequate to the epoch of "Their" own philosophy, 
which is a much earlier one, standing on a much higher level. After all, a Hegelian and 
for that reason also the follower of Spinoza, was devoted to his faith, but only 
temporarily, tactically. The matter does not stand as is claimed by Marxism, that as the 
result of the elimination of contradictions there arises the synthesis. It is as the result of 
the opposing mutual fusion, from the thesis and anti-thesis that there arises, as a 
synthesis, the reality, truth, as a final harmony between the subjective and objective. Do 
you not see that already? In Moscow there is Communism: in New York Capitalism. It is 
all the same as a thesis and anti -thesis. Analyze both. Moscow is subjective Communism, 
but Capitalism - objective - State Capitalism. New York: Capitalism subjective, but 
Communism objective. A personal synthesis, truth: the Financial International, the 
Capitalist-Communist one. "They." 

The meeting had lasted about six hours. I once more gave some drug to Rakovsky. The 
drug it was obvious, worked well, although I was only able to observe this by certain 
symptoms of animation. But I think that Rakovsky would have spoken just the same in a 
normal condition. Undoubtedly the theme of the conversation concerned his speciality 
and he had the passionate will to espouse that, about which he spoke. Since, if all this is 
true then an energetic attempt had been made 


to enforce the triumph of his idea and plan. If this was untrue, then there was an 
extraordinary fantasy and this was a wonderful manoeuvre for saving his already lost life. 

My opinion of all that had been heard can not be of any importance. I have not got a 
sufficient erudition in order to understand its universality and horizons. When Rakovsky 
touched on the most important part of the theme I had the same feeling as at that moment 
when I saw myself for the first time on the X-ray screen. My surprised eyes saw 
something diffuse and dark, but real. Something like an apparition; I had to co-ordinate 
his figure and movements, correlations and actions to the degree to which it was possible 
to guess with the help of logical intuition. 

I think that I had observed during several hours the "radiograph of revolution" on a 
world-wide scale. It is possible that in part it failed, was deformed, thanks to 
circumstances or personalities which reflected it, it is not for nothing that the lie and 
dissimulation are permitted in the revolutionary struggle and are accepted as moral. And 
Rakovsky, a passionate dialectician of great culture and a first-class orator, is first of all 
and above all a revolutionary fanatic. 

I re-read the conversation many times, but each time I felt how there rose in me the 
feeling of my incompetence in this respect. That which until then had seemed to me, and 
to the whole world, to be the truth and obvious reality, like blocks of granite, where the 
social order stands as on a rock, immovable and permanent, all that became transformed 
into a thick fog. There appear colossal, immeasurable, invisible forces with a categorical 
imperative, disobedient, sly and titanic at the same time, something like magnetism, 
electricity or the attraction of the earth. In the presence of this phenomenal disclosure I 
felt like the man from the stone age, whose head was still full of primitive superstitions 
concerning the phenomena of nature, and who had been suddenly transposed one night 
into the Paris of to-day. I am amazed even more than he would have been. 

Many times I disagreed. At first I convinced myself that everything which Rakovsky 
was telling was the product of his extraordinary imagination. But even having convinced 
myself that I was a toy in the hands of the biggest of all the writers of novels, I tried in 
vain to find enough strength, logical reasons and even people with a sufficient 
personality, who would have been able to explain this gigantic progress of the revolution. 

I must confess that if only those forces participated here, as also reasons and people, 
which are mentioned officially in written histories, then I must declare that the revolution 
is a miracle of our age. No, when I was listening to Rakovsky, I could not admit that a 
small group of Jews, who emigrated from London, had achieved that this "apparition of 
revolution," which had been called forth by Marx in the first lines of the Manifesto, had 
become today a gigantic reality and a universal threat. 

Whether what Rakovsky told is true or not, whether the secret and real strength of 
Communism is International Capital, it is the obvious truth for me that Marx, Lenin, 
Trotsky and Stalin are an insufficient explanation for that which is happening. 


Whether these people are real or fantastic, whom Rakovsky calls "Them" with an almost 
religious tremor in his voice, is the question. But if "They" do not exist then I shall have 
to say of them what Voltaire said of God: "He will have to be invented," since only in 
that case can we explain the existence, extent and force of this world-wide revolution. 
After all, I have no hope of seeing it. My position does not allow me to view with 
great optimism the possibility that I shall survive until the near future. But this suicide of 
the bourgeois European States, of which Rakovsky spoke, and which he proves as being 
inevitable, would be for me, who has been initiated into the secret, the magisterial and 
definite proof. 

When Rakovsky had been led away to his place of imprisonment Gabriel remained some 
time immersed in himself. 

I looked at him, not seeing him; and in fact my own ideas and conceptions had lost 
the ground under their feet and were somehow suspended. 

"How do you look on all this" asked Gabriel. 

"I do not know, I do not know" I replied, and I spoke the truth; but I added "I think 
that this is an amazing man and if we are dealing with a falsification, then it is 
extraordinary; in any event it is a piece of genius." 

"As a result, if we shall have the time, we must have an exchange of views. . . I am 
always interested in your opinion of the profane, a doctor. But now we must agree about 
our programme. I need you as a professional, but as a modest man. That which you have 
heard, as the result of your peculiar function, can be wind and smoke which is carried by 
the wind, but it can also be something, the importance of which cannot be exceeded by 
anything else. Here a moderate terminology is inappropriate. Given this last possibility, a 
strong feeling of precaution forces me to limit the number of people who know about it. 
For the moment only you and I know. The man who manipulated the recording machine 
does not know any French. The fact that we did not speak in Russian was not my caprice. 
In short: I shall be grateful to you if you will be the translator. Sleep for some hours. I 
shall now give the necessary instructions so that the technician would agree the time with 
you, and as soon as possible you must translate and write down the conversation, which 
he will reproduce for you to hear. It will be a hard job; you cannot use a typewriter and 
the recorder will have to move very slowly. When you will have done the French version 
I shall read it. A few remarks and epigraphs will be necessary, and I shall add them. You 
can use a typewriter?" 

"Very badly, very slowly, only with two fingers." 

"Well arrange it somehow. Please make few mistakes." 

Gabriel called the man. We arranged to begin work at eleven o'clock and it was 
already almost seven. We went to sleep a little. 


I was called punctually. We sat down in my small study. 

Gabriel had asked me to make two copies of the translation. I made three, in order to 
hide one for myself. I took the risk as he went to Moscow. I am not sorry that I had had 
the courage for this. 


As is well known, Stalin followed the advice of Rakovsky. There was a pact with Hitler. 
Also the Second World War served solely the interests of the revolution. 

The secret of these changes of policy can be understood from a further conversation 
between Gabriel and Doctor Landowsky, which is given in a later chapter of "The Red 
Symphony." Here are some extracts from it: 

GABRIEL - Do you remember the conversation with Rakovsky. . . Do you know that he 
was not condemned to death? Well knowing all this you need not be surprised that 
Comrade Stalin had thought it to be wise to try that apparently so unlikely plan. . . Here 
nothing is risked and, on the contrary, one can gain a great deal. . . If you will strain your 
memory you will be able to understand several things. 

DOCTOR - I remember everything rather well. Do not forget that I heard the 
conversation twice, then both times I wrote it, and in addition I translated it. . . May I find 
out if you know the people whom Rakovsky called "Them"? 

G - In order to shew you my confidence I shall tell you — no! We do not know for sure 
who "They" are, but at the last moment there was confirmed a great deal of what 
Rakovsky had told; for example it is true that Hitler was financed by the Wall Street 
bankers. Much else is also true. All these months during which I have not seen you, I 
devoted to an investigation, connected with Rakovsky 's information. It is true that I was 
not able to establish just which people are such remarkable personages, but it is a fact, 
that there is a kind of entourage which consists of financiers, politicians, scientists and 
even ecclesiastical persons of high rank, wealth and power, who occupy high places; if 
one is to judge their position (mostly as intermediaries) by the results, then it seems 
strange and inexplicable, at least in the light of ordinary conceptions. . . since in fact they 
have a great similarity with the ideas of Communism, of course with very special 
Communist ideas. But let us leave all these questions aside, concerning complexion, line 
and profile; objectively, as Rakovsky would have said, they, imitating Stalin blindly in 
actions and errors, are building Communism. They followed the advice of Rakovsky 
almost to the letter. There was nothing concrete, but there was no refusal and no tearing 
of mantles. On the contrary, they displayed great attention to everything. The 
Ambassador Davis carefully hinted at the past trials and even went so far as to hint that 
much would be gained in the public opinion in America, in case of an amnesty for 
Rakovsky in the near future. He was well watched during the trials in March, which is 
natural. He was himself present at all of them; we did not allow him to bring any 
technicians so as to prevent any "telegraphing" with the accused. He is not a professional 


diplomat and does not know the specific techniques. He was obliged to look on, trying 
with his eyes to say much, as I thought; we think that he raised the spirits of Rosenholz 
and of Rakovsky. The latter confirmed the interest which had been displayed at the trial 
by Davis and confessed that he made him a secret sign of Masonic greeting. 

There is yet another strange matter, which cannot be falsified. On the 2nd March at 
dawn there was received a radio message from some very powerful station: "Amnesty or 
the Nazi danger will increase". . . the radiogramme was encyphered in the cypher of our 
own embassy in London. You can understand that that was something very important! 

Dr - But the threat was not real? 

G - How not? On the 12th March there ended the debates of the Supreme Tribunal and at 
9 in the evening the tribunal began its considerations. And on that same day of the 12th 
March, at 5.30 o'clock a.m. Hitler ordered his armoured divisions to enter Austria. Of 
course this was a military promenade! Were there sufficient reasons for thinking about 
that! Or we had to be so stupid as to consider the greetings of Davis, the 
radioprogramme, the cypher, the coincidence of the invasion with the verdict, and also 
the silence of Europe as being only accidental chances? No, in fact we did not see 
"Them," but we heard their voice and understood their language. 

Translator's note: It would be quite superfluous to write a long commentary on this 
remarkable material. It should suffice to say the obvious — this is one of the most 
important political documents of the century. 

Many of us have known the facts here brought out for decades, but for the first time 
we get a brilliant, detailed statement from an insider. Obviously Rakovsky was one of 

Both the internal evidence of this document, as well as the circumstance that all 
subsequent events went exactly according to the formulae indicated, proves the truth of 
the story. 

This book should be essential reading for all who wish to know what is happening 
and why, throughout the world, and also what alone can be done to stop the conquests of 
the revolution: the power of monetary emission must be returned to the States 
everywhere. If that is not done in time, Communism will win. 

George Knupffer. 


Commentaries on Red Symphony 

By Peter Myers and others, December 31, 2003; 

updated November 26, 2006 

From the Neither Aryan Nor Jew Web site 

I know of no way of proving the veracity of this material. But it does bear on the fact that 
Communism seems to be continuing, despite the fall of the USSR. 

Open Borders, Gay Marriage, the World Court, "Hate" Laws which suppress open discussion, 
these are the signs. The Kyoto Protocol is another; whatever its merits, it is an instrument of 
World Government. These are policies of the Trotskyist/Fabian/Green "New Left". 

Public ownership is not a feature; yet the Trotskyists in Australia published a book calling for 
Free Trade. The leaders of the demonstrations against Capitalism, themselves urged the 
dismantling of the protective economy we used to have: 

"Perhaps the worst aspect of the adoption of protectionism as a policy for fighting 
unemployment is that it is seen as a substitute for a class-struggle approach" (Socialism or 
Nationalism, p. 29): 

The booklet called Hitler's Secret Backers, by "Sidney Warburg", like the statements 
attributed to Ravoksky in Red Symphony, attests that Western bankers gave money to Hitler to 
help him get into power. 

In Red Symphony, "Rakovsky", interrogated by Stalin's agents in 1938, states that the reason 
for this was that these Jewish bankers, having established Bolshevism, had found it stolen from 
them by Stalin, a "Bonapartist" akin to Napoleon (p. 36). 

The bankers were trying to promote International Communism, Trotsky being their man; 
Rakovsky himself was in their camp. 

But Stalin was promoting National Communism. That system had to be brought down, so that 
International Communism could be restored. The means of bringing it down, was by assisting the 
rise of Hitler. 

Hitler's Secret Backers says (in the commentary part at the end) that the bankers did not 
think that Hitler would implement his rhetoric about excluding Jews. They disagreed with the anti- 
German boycott inaugurated by the New York Zionists, and felt that this induced Hitler to institute 
harsh measures against Jews. 

In Hitler's Secret Backers, the bankers' motives are stated as being, not connected with 
Trotsky, but anger at France for its insistence on continued German repayments to it in Gold, as 
per the Treaty of Versailles. These payments were keeping Germany paralysed, and with it the 
European economy. 

But it could be argued - if the booklet be genuine in some way - that this is merely the excuse 
the bankers told to their courier, "Sidney Warburg". 

Hitler's Secret Backers is available at . 

In Red Symphony, Rakovsky states that Jewish Bankers gave money to Hitler to help him get 
into power (p. 36), knowing that he would attack the Soviet Union (as laid out in Mein Kampf). 
These donations were anonymous; Hitler had no idea that the source was Jewish Finance. 

In keeping with the strategy of Revolutionary Defeatism, Stalin would fall, upon losing the 
war, as the Tsar had fallen after losing World War I, and Trotsky would be restored to power (p. 

They changed their minds because Hitler's destruction of the Soviet Union would mean (they 
decided, after seeing him in power) not the restoration of Trotsky, but the abolition of 
Communism altogether; whereas their aim was to keep Communism going. Despite this switch, 
they still hoped to erase the Stalinist "National" variety: "we shall succeed in taking it over and 
then converting it into real Communism" (p. 37). 

The interrogator says to Rakovsky, 

"if your defeatism and the defeat of the USSR has as its object the restoration of 
Socialism in the USSR, real Socialism, according to you - Trotzkyism, then, insofar as we 
have destroyed their leaders and cadres, defeatism and the defeat of the USSR has 
neither an objective nor any sense. As a result of defeat now there would come the 


enthronement of some Fuhrer or fascist Tsar." (p. 11). 

Rakovsky agrees with this assessment; the Moscow Purges thus provides a rationale for the 
bankers' change of plan. 

In keeping with this change, Rakovsky says, they want Stalin to propose to Hitler the partition 
of Poland. As a result, Hitler would find himself at war with the West, and eventually in a war on 
two fronts. 

In the late 1930s, Trotsky was a fugitive. After writing The Revolution Betrayed in Norway in 
1936 (it was published in 1937), Trotsky was forced to leave Norway, and found refuge in 

Pressure from Stalin persuaded most governments to refuse him entry. Even the United 
States, with Roosevelt in power, shut its doors. 

This would cast doubt on Red Symphony's claim that Roosevelt and Trotsky were leading 
figures in the same conspiracy. However, the US Government wanted to maintain diplomatic 
relations with the Soviet Government, especially since Hitler was in power in Germany. 

Two years after the alleged interrogation in Red Symphony took place, Stalin had Trotsky 
murdered, ensuring that no restoration could occur. 

Whilst Trotsky's murder is well known, Stalin's murder is covered up, because it involves 
Jewish politics. 

There are two anachronisms in Red Symphony. It says it is a record of interviews which took 
place in 1938, but mentions the World Bank (p. 24), which was not established until 1944. 
However, the League of Nations had predecessor organizations: . 

Red Symphony also speaks of "the Commonwealth" (p. 39); but surely it was known as the 
"British Empire" in 1938? 

However, Carroll Quigley wrote in The Anglo-American Establishment that 'the Rhodes 
secret society' (p. 4) 'publicized the idea of and the name "British Commonwealth of Nations" in 
the period 1908-1918' (p.5). . 

Lionel Curtis, a leading ideologist of the Empire, and a member of Rhodes' secret society, 
published in 1916 a book titled The Commonwealth of Nations: An Inquiry into the Nature of 
Citizenship in the British Empire, and into the Mutual Relations of the Several Communities 
Thereof, PART I (MacMillan and Co, London, 1916). 

Red Symphony points out that Point 6 of Wilson's 14 Points welcomed the USSR into "the society 
of free nations", and offered it assistance, thus undermining the "White" side during the Civil War. 

Red Symphony says the Jewish financiers promoting "real" Communism (not Stalin's 
Bonapartism) are "Spinosists", followers of the natural mysticism of Baruch Spinosa. This is a 
reformulation for our times, of Jewish religious philosophy; Hegelianism is a vulgarized version of 

Spinoza established the atheistic variant of the Jewish religion. 

Hitler manipulated by Bankers whose agenda he didn't understand 

Part I: Hitler Didn't Want World War, by Henry Makow Ph.D. 

March 21, 2004 

Hitler didn't want a world war, and had no stomach for fighting England, according to Pulitzer 
Prize winning journalist Louis Kilzer, author of Churchill's Deception (Simon & Schuster, 1994). 

Hitler believed the future of Western civilization depended on the cooperation of Germany 
and her Aryan cousins: England and the United States. His territorial demands were limited to 
Communist Russia, which he regarded as a proxy for Jewish world ambitions. He was 
determined to avoid fighting a war on two fronts. 

The "miracle at Dunkirk" was in fact an extraordinary peace overture to England. We don't 
normally associate Hitler with such magnanimity. 


In May 1940, the British were on the verge of defeat. The English army was trapped at 
Dunkirk. Rather than take them prisoner, Hitler halted his generals for three days allowing 
330,000 men to escape. 

"The blood of every single Englishman is too valuable to shed," Hitler said. "Our two 
people belong together racially and traditionally. That is and always has been my aim, 
even if our generals can't grasp it." (Kilzer, p. 213) 

This is not an attempt to exonerate Hitler. His ideology of Aryan racial supremacy and his 
enslavement/extermination of "inferior races" (mainly Jews and Slavs) are abhorrent to me. (Do I 
need to say this?) My own grandparents were murdered by the Nazis. I believe people can take 
pride in their race or nationality without seeking to dominate others. 

Nonetheless we should understand that our view of Hitler is influenced by propaganda. The 
Allies were also guilty of atrocities and war crimes. Furthermore, Hitler was created, manipulated 
and destroyed by the same llluminist clique that runs the world today. 


According to Kilzer's well-documented book, Hitler was trying to convince the English to make 
peace. In exchange, he was ready to retreat from Western Europe and from much of Poland. 

Kilzer describes how British Intelligence (an arm of the llluminati) took advantage of Hitler's 
racist ideology to divert his energies against Russia and trap him in a two-front war. They 
convinced him that a large pro Nazi (anti Communist) "Peace Party" was prepared to unseat the 
"war monger" Churchill. 

This party consisted of the Duke of Windsor (the former King Edward VIM) and appeasement- 
minded elitists known as the "Cliveden Set." The Nazis had longstanding social ties with this 
group and confided in them. Hitler seemed to overlook the fact that Windsor went to stay at the 
Rothschild castle in Austria after he abdicated. 

Rudolph Hess, the Deputy Leader of Nazi Germany, was in contact with the Cliveden group 
and flew to England May 10, 1941 to negotiate peace. According to Kilzer, Hess had Hitler's 

Coincidentally this was the worst night of the Blitz. Afterward, there was a long lull in both 
Nazi and British bombing raids. It appears the Nazis thought they had an understanding with the 
British and turned their attention to the invasion of Russia the following month (June 22, 1941.) 

Hitler didn't understand that the Anglo American elite was (and still is) intimately connected 
with international (i.e. Rothschild) finance. Anglo American imperialism is in fact a front for the 
families that own the Bank of England and the Federal Reserve. These Jewish and non-Jewish 
families are connected by money, marriage and Lucifer worship (i.e. Freemasonry). Both 
Roosevelt and Churchill were their flunkies. (All our "leaders" are.) 

In 1776 Meyer Rothschild financed the llluminati, a Masonic secret society that in turn 
spawned the major revolutions of the modern era including the Bolshevik Revolution in 1917. The 
ultimate aim is to establish the banker world dictatorship, which is at an advanced stage today. 

In the 1930's their purpose was to incite a two-front war that would leave the great nation 
states (England, Germany and Russia) prostrate. Like all wars, the purpose was to kill millions of 
people, traumatize humanity, increase public debt and private profit, and make "world 
government" (the future UN) seem essential for "peace." 

The 1930's British Policy of Appeasement was probably designed to encourage Hitler's 
expansionist tendencies and to provoke war. Douglas Reed, the (London) Times Correspondent 
in Berlin, was first tipped off to something fishy when his newspaper suppressed his warnings of 
the Hitler menace. (See his Controversy of Ziori) 



Why would the financial elite also want to destroy Russia, which they created? 

The transcript of the 1938 NKVD interrogation of C.G. Rakowsky (a.k.a Chaim Rakeover) 
provides the answer. Rakowsky was an intimate of Trotsky's and former Soviet ambassador to 

Rothschild's agent Leon Trotsky was supposed to succeed Lenin but got sick at the critical 
moment. Stalin was able to assume power and divert Russia from Rothschild control. 

In order to control Stalin, international finance was forced to build up Hitler and the Nazi 
party. Rakowsky confirms that Jewish financiers backed the Nazis although Hitler was not aware 
of this. 

"The ambassador Warburg presented himself under a false name and Hitler did not even 
guess his race ... he also lied regarding whose representative he was... Our aim was to 
provoke a war and Hitler was war.. .[the Nazis] received. ..millions of dollars sent to it from 
Wall Street, and millions of Marks from German financiers through Schacht; [providing] 
the upkeep of the S.A and the S.S. and also the financing of the elections..." 

Unfortunately for the bankers, Hitler also proved intractable. He started to print his own money! ... 

The book "Financial Origins of National Socialism" (1933) by "Sydney Warburg" provides 
another glimpse of how the llluminist clique supported Hitler. This 70-page booklet was 
suppressed for many years but was republished in 1983 as "Hitler's Secret Backers." 

"Warburg" describes a July 1929 meeting with "Carter," the President of J. P. Morgan's 
Guarantee Trust, the Presidents of the Federal Reserve Banks, "the young Rockefeller" and 
"Glean from Royal Dutch." These are all Rothschild dominated . 

It was determined that Warburg who spoke German should travel to Germany and ask Hitler 
how much money he needed to overthrow the state. The only stipulation was that Hitler adopts 
"an aggressive foreign policy." 

"Warburg" details five meetings with Hitler between 1929 and 1933. The first took place in a 
beer cellar and Hitler calculated his needs on the back of a paper plate. About $25 million was 
transferred. This was extremely important in the depth of the depression because the Nazis 
provided food and shelter to many of their supporters. 

Hitler wasn't told the reason for this support and did not ask. On two occasions, he wondered 
out loud if "Warburg" was himself Jewish but dismissed the idea before "Warburg" could reply. 

There is no "Sydney Warburg" but the internal evidence suggests the author could be James 
Warburg , son of Federal Reserve founder Paul Warburg . Many people dismiss this monograph 
as yet another fraud but the wealth of accurate detail and anecdote suggests otherwise. ... 

Peter Myers Comments: Henry Makow interprets Red Symphony, and Hitler's Secret Backers, 
as meaning that the llluminati gave money to help Hitler gain power, once they had completely 
lost control of Russia to Stalin, the intention being to restore Trotsky once Stalin had fallen. 

You can obtain a copy of Hitler's Secret Backers for US$5 at . 

The author of this book, apparently written in 1933, says that he was invited to be a courier to 
Hitler, at a meeting on July, 1929 (p. 5). He says that New York financiers wanted to bring France 
into line (to renounce Versailles reparations claims), and wanted Hitler to pursue an aggressive 
foreign policy. In the document, Hitler says that he would use Stalin to help subdue France, then, 
with his back thus covered, tackle the eastern question, the implication being that he would 
implement the lebensraum in the Ukraine, as envisaged in Mein Kampf. 

Isaac Deutscher says, in The Prophet Outcast, that Trotsky was expelled from the USSR on 
10 February, 1929 (p. 1}. 

So, the connection is plausible, but can't be proven. 


F. William Engdahl on Hitler's "fundamental miscalculation" 
In Halford MacKinder's Necessary War. 
http://arno.daastol.eom/history/EnqdahlMackinder.html# Toc34729241 

... On May 10, just in the hours the German Wehrmacht launched the blitzkrieg against 
Holland and Belgium, Churchill was called by the King to form a new government. ... 

Shortly before dawn on the morning of May 10 the greatest concentration of tank forces ever 
seen in warfare stood poised on the border of Luxembourg, ready for a seventy mile strike to 
Sedan on the French side, through the Ardennes forest. ... 

"A fundamental miscalculation" 
General Guderian had advanced an astonishing 250 miles across enemy terrain in only 11 days. 
Then, with his Panzer forces at Gravelines, only ten miles from Dunkirk, orders came down on 
May 24, that his tanks were to halt. 

Guderian's forces had been within hours of capturing more than 300,000 of the best-trained 
professional soldiers of the British Expeditionary Force, along with some 100,000 of France's 
best-trained and equipped men. Guderian at first read the order with disbelief. His commander, 
General von Kleist, stated that, on receiving the order, "I decided to ignore it, and to push on 
across the canal. But then came a more emphatic order that I was to withdraw behind the canal. 
My tanks were kept halted there for three days." 

The order had come directly from Hitler. The three days pause was intended, though Hitler 
did not tell his generals at the time, to allow Britain's best fighting force escape by ship across the 
Channel to England. He intended it as a clear gesture of good will towards his British adversary. 

That was the "miracle of Dunkirk," which Churchill's strictly censored wartime press 
propaganda in England portrayed as divine providence smiling down on the chosen British 
people. The British population would have been no doubt quite surprised, had they been allowed 
to learn the truth, that the one who had smiled on their army at Dunkirk had in fact been Hitler. 

A week later, referring to this "miracle of Dunkirk," Churchill told the House of Commons and 
the entire nation over the BBC radio, "We shall defend our island, whatever the cost may be; we 
shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in 
the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender..." 

It wasn't exactly the response Hitler had in mind. ... 

Dunkirk was to be only one of several unusual military decisions by the German Fuehrer in 
those critical days. His message each time was intended as a clear signal to his opponents. He 
was determined to give England convincing proof of his ultimate good will towards the British 
Empire, by allowing the elite of Britain's fighting forces to escape to England. ... 

Once France had proposed armistice, yet again, Hitler refused to follow the logic of the 
military situation to its conclusion. He agreed to the basic French terms of Petain, and allowed 
two-fifths of France to the south, including the major Mediterranean port city, Marseilles, to 
remain unoccupied Vichy France, under Petain and Laval and their own French military and 
police control. The colonies and the formidable French naval fleet were left untouched by Hitler, 
in his bizarre gesture of good will. 

Allowing Petain's Vichy government to hold the colonies in French North and West Africa was 
an astonishing concession from any military standpoint. Had Germany taken the African colonies 
in the fall of France, that would have closed the Mediterranean to British ships, allowing Italy free- 
hand to invade Egypt from Libya, blocking the Suez Canal and the route to the Mideast, as well 
as India. German U-boats, operating out of the French colonial port of Dakar on the west coast of 
Africa, could have blocked British ships en route to India via South Africa. 

That would have choked off vital British oil supplies from Iran and the Middle East, and cut off 
her access to goods and soldiers from India, placing her naval fleet and her economy in a 
devastating disadvantage at a time when many in top British political circles, even some in 
Churchill's Cabinet such as Beaverbrook, were resigned to the inevitability of a peace deal with 

At a meeting June 17 in Munich, the day France's armistice offer was received, Hitler told 


Mussolini that he would not impose oppressive conditions on France. When Mussolini suggested 
the demand that France turn over its naval fleet, Hitler rejected that idea outright as well. 

This concession too, allowing the Petain government to hold on to the French fleet, was no 
small thing. At the time, the French naval fleet, unlike other parts of its defense arsenal, was of 
high quality. Two new battleships, 'Richelieu' and 'Jean Bart' had just been built. Were the French 
fleet to be added to the combined Naval capacities of Italy and Germany, it could quite well have 
destroyed British sea defenses and likely have forced a British surrender within months. The 
entire American fleet, even had they wanted to come to England's aid, was unavailable. It had 
been shifted early in 1940 to Hawaii and the Pacific, far away from Europe, in order to defend 
against a growing Japanese threat. 

What could be of such over-riding importance in Hitler's thinking as to justify so extraordinary 
concessions as the colonies, the fleet and almost half of French territory? 

Hitler, after refusing Mussolini's demand for the French fleet, turned to the real subject on his 
mind -- England. In a discussion witnessed by Hitler's official interpreter, Paul Schmidt, Hitler told 
Mussolini, he was convinced it would not serve any useful purpose to destroy the British Empire. 
"It is, after all, a force for order in the world," insisted Hitler. 

Hitler's thoughts seemed to be returning to the early lessons in geopolitics he had learned 
from Karl Haushofer and Rudolf Hess almost two decades before, in 1924, in his jail cell at 
Landsberg near Munich. Hitler had written then in "Main Kampf," about Germany's future and the 
need for Lebensraum. "If one wanted land and soil in Europe, then by and large this could only 
have been done at Russia's expense, and then the new Reich would again have to start 
marching along the road of the Knights of the Order of former times. 

"For such a policy, however," wrote Hitler, "there was only one single ally in Europe- 
England. With England alone, one's back being covered, could one begin the new 
Germanic invasion ... To gain England's favor, no sacrifice should have been too great. 
Then one would have had to renounce colonies and sea power, but to spare British 
industry our competition." 

In 1940, Hitler's outlook had changed very little. Rudolf Hess was constantly at his side to remind 
him as well of his earlier lessons in geopolitics. As Holland, Belgium, Norway, Denmark, half 
Poland, Czechoslovakia, Austria, and now most of France all had been incorporated into the New 
European Order of the Third Reich, Italy, and Spain bound to it by alliance, Hitler came back to 
the idea of recarving the world between a land empire of Eurasia dominated by Germany, and a 
global oceanic empire dominated by Britain. 

Hitler was preparing for the great battle, and it was to be in the east, not the west. He wanted 
England's assurance that she would "cover Germany's back," or at least not embroil the Reich 
once more in a catastrophic two front war. ... 

Isaac Deutscher on the possibility that 
Hitler's war would lead to Trotsky's return 

If Red Symphony is genuine, Stalin himself would have had access to it. It says that the Anglo- 
American elite helped to fund Hitler's rise, so that he could make war against Stalin. This would 
explain Stalin's obsession with the idea that British Intelligence was behind Hitler. 

It would also explain Stalin's decision to have Trotsky murdered, a couple of years later. 
Isaac Deutscher points out that the return of Trotsky to power after the defeat of Stalin was a 
prospect raised seriously at the time: 

Isaac Deutscher, THE PROPHET OUTCAST: Trotsky: 1929-1940 (London : Oxford University 
Press, 1970): 

{p. 510} Postscript: Victory in Defeat 

... And perhaps never yet had any man lived in so close a communion with the 


sufferings and the strivings of oppressed humanity and in such utter loneliness as 
Trotsky lived. 

{p. 511} ... Trotsky asserted his conviction that in the future, after Soviet Society had 
progressed towards socialism, Stalinism would be seen as merely 'an episodic relapse'. 

{p. 514} Trotskyism attempted to preserve the norm or to strike a temporary balance 
between norm and reality until revolution in the West resolved the conflict and restored 
harmony between {Marxist} theory and {Communist} practice. The failures of revolution in 
the West were epitomized in Trotsky's defeat. 

{p. 515} How definite and irrevocable was the defeat? We have seen that as long as 
Trotsky was alive Stalin never considered him to have been finally vanquished. Stalin's 
fear was no mere paranoiac obsession. Other leading actors on the political stage shared 
it. Robert Coulondre, French ambassador to the Third Reich, gives a striking testimony in 
a description of his last interview with Hitler just before the outbreak of the Second World 

Hitler had boasted of the advantages he had obtained from his pact with Stalin, just 
concluded; and he drew a grandiose vista of his future military triumph. In reply the 
French ambassador appealed to his 'reason' and spoke of the social turmoil and the 
revolutions that might follow a long and terrible war and engulf all belligerent 
governments. 'You are thinking of yourself as victor ...', the ambassador said, 'but have 
you given thought to another possibility - that the victor may be Trotsky?' 

At this Hitler jumped up (as if he 'had been hit in the pit of the stomach') and 
screamed that this possibility, the threat of Trotsky's victory, was one more reason why 
France and Britain should not go to war against the Third Reich. Thus, the master of the 
Third Reich and the envoy of the Third Republic, in their last maneuvers, during the last 
hours of peace, sought to intimidate each other, and each other s governments, by 
invoking the name of the lonely outcast trapped and immured at the far end of the world. 
'They are haunted by the spectre of revolution, and they give it a man's name', Trotsky 
remarked when he read the dialogue. 

Were Hitler and the ambassador quite wrong in giving the spectre Trotsky's name? It 
may be argued that although their fear was well grounded, they should have given the 
spectre Stalin's name, not Trotsky's - it was, at any rate, Stalin who was to triumph over 
Hitler. Yet as so often in history so here the underlying realities were far more confused 
and ambiguous than the surface of events. Stalin's victory over Trotsky concealed a 
heavy element of defeat while Trotsky's defeat was pregnant with victory. 

The central 'ideological' issue between them had been socialism in one country - the 
question whether the Soviet Union would or could achieve socialism in isolation, on the 
conceivable only as an international order of society. The answer events have given is far 
less clear-cut than were the theoretical arguments, but it comes much closer to Trotsky's 
view than to Stalin's. Long before the Soviet Union came anywhere near socialism, 
revolution had spread to other countries. 

History, it might be said, did not leave the Soviet Union alone long enough to allow a 
laboratory experiment with socialism in a single country to be carried into any advanced 
stage, let alone to be completed. In so far as in the struggle between Trotskyism and 
Stalinism revolutionary internationalism had clashed with Bolshevik isolationism it is 
certainly not Stalinism that has emerged with flying colors: Bolshevik isolationism has 
been dead long since. On the other hand, the staying power of the Soviet Union, even in 
isolation, was far greater than Trotsky sometimes assumed; and, contrary to his 
expectations, it was not the proletariat of the West that freed the Russian Revolution from 
isolation. By a feat of history's irony, Stalinism itself malgre lui-meme broke out of its 
national shell. 

In his last debate Trotsky staked the whole future of Marxism and socialism upon the 
sequel to the Second World War. Convinced that war must lead to revolution - the 
classical Marxist revolution - he asserted that if it failed to do so Marxism would be 
refuted, socialism would lose once and for all by default, and the epoch of bureaucratic 
collectivism would set in. This was, in any case, a rash, dogmatic, and desperate view; 
historic reality was once again to prove immeasurably more intricate than the theorist's 



The war did indeed set in motion a new series of revolutions; yet once again the 
process did not conform to the classical pattern. The western proletariat again failed to 
storm and conquer the ramparts of the old order; and in eastern Europe it was mainly 
under the impact of Russia's armed power, advancing victoriously to the Elbe, that the 
old order broke down. The divorce between theory and practice - or between norm and 
fact - deepened further. 

This was not a fortuitous development. It represented a continuation of the trend 
which had first announced itself in 1920-1 when the Red Army marched on Warsaw and 
when it occupied Georgia.* 

With those military acts the revolutionary cycle which the First World War set in 
motion had come to a close. At the beginning of that cycle Bolshevism had risen on the 
crest of a genuine revolution; towards its end the Bolsheviks began to spread revolution 
by conquest. Then followed the long interval of two decades, during which Bolshevism 
did not expand. When the next cycle of revolution was set in motion by the Second World 
War, it started where the first cycle had ended - with revolution by conquest. In military 
history there exists, as a rule, a continuity between the closing phase of one war and the 
opening phase of another: the weapons and the ideas about warfare invented and 
formed towards the end of one armed conflict dominate the first stage of the next conflict. 

A similar continuity exists also between cycles of revolution. In 1920-1 Bolshevism, 
straining to break out of its isolation, tried, rather fitfully, to carry revolution abroad on the 
point of bayonets. Two and three decades later Stalinism, dragged out of its national 
shell by war, imposed revolution upon the whole of eastern Europe. 

Trotsky had expected the second revolutionary cycle to begin in the forms in which 
the first had begun, with class struggles and proletarian risings, the outcome of which 
would, in the main depend on the balance of social forces within each major nation and 
on the quality of national revolutionary leadership. Yet the new cycle started not where 
the previous one had begun, but where it had ended, not with revolution from below, but 
with revolution from above, with revolution by conquest. 

As this could be the work only of a great power applying its pressure in the first 
instance to its own periphery, the cycle ran its course on the fringes of the Soviet Union. 
The chief agents of revolution were not the workers of the countries concerned, and their 
parties, but the Red Army. Success or failure depended not on the balance of social 
forces within any nation, but mainly on the international balance of power, on diplomatic 
pacts, alliances, and military campaigns. The struggle and the co-operation of the great 
powers superimposed themselves upon class struggle, changing and distorting it. All 
criteria by which Marxists were wont to judge a nation's 'maturity' or 'immaturity' for 
revolution went by the board. ... 

David North on the Consequences of Trotsky's Defeat 

[The following was delivered as the opening lecture to the International Summer School on 
Marxism and the Fundamental Problems of the 20th Century, organized by the International 
Committee of the Fourth International and the Socialist Equality Party of Australia. The school 
was held in Sydney from January 3-10, 1998. David North is the national secretary of the 
Socialist Equality Party in the US] 

... if Stalinism was not the outcome of Bolshevism, but its antithesis; and if the rise of 
Stalinism was, in fact, opposed by Marxists, then the historical situation of revolutionary 

See Isaac Deutscher, The Prophet Armed: Trotsky, 1879-1921 (London, New York : Verso, 2003), pp. 463- 


socialism is very different. The International Committee of the Fourth International 
upholds the second position. 

... Especially among those who were influenced by Stalinism, the collapse of the 
Soviet Union - an event they had utterly failed to foresee - has radically changed their 
attitude toward the October Revolution and its place in history. Reaction, as Leon Trotsky 
once noted, not only conquers, it also convinces. Many long-time friends of the Soviet 
Union, or, perhaps more precisely, of the Soviet bureaucracy, who professed great 
admiration for Lenin and the "Great October Revolution" - and thought of themselves as 
very progressive people for doing so - now look upon the October Revolution as a 
disaster that should not have happened. ... This is the perspective that emerges from a 
new book by the British historian, Eric Hobsbawm, who was for many years a member of 
the Communist Party. 

... The conflict between the Stalinist bureaucracy and the Left Opposition, about 
which Hobsbawm says not one word, "happened." 

... Hobsbawm seeks to minimize, to the very point of denying, the role of 
consciousness in the revolutionary process. 

... This portrayal of Lenin as a simple realpolitiker, reacting pragmatically and 
intuitively to events as they arose, hardly makes sense even within the terms presented 
by Hobsbawm. The defense of the revolution was, in itself, a strategic conception; and its 
successful realization depended upon a conscious insight into the class structure and 
dynamics of Russian society. 

... Indeed, in a 300-page book of essays and lectures whose central theme is the 
place of the October Revolution in the history of the 20th century, Trotsky's name 
appears only once. 

... the defeat of Trotsky and the Left Opposition set the stage for all the subsequent 
tragedies that were to befall the Soviet Union, the international working class and the 
socialist movement, and beneath whose shadow we still live today. 

I wish to add a further point: No discussion on the fate of socialism in the 20th 
century deserves to be taken seriously unless it considers, with the necessary care, the 
consequences of Trotsky's defeat. It is essential to consider, in other words, not only 
"what happened" under Stalin; but also "what well might have happened" had Trotsky 

... Until 1924 the unquestioned premise of Soviet policy - indeed, that which underlay 
the entire revolutionary project undertaken by the Bolsheviks in October 1917 - was that 
the seizure of power in Russia was only "the first shot" of the world socialist revolution. A 
nationally self-contained socialist state, especially one based on a country as 
economically and culturally backward as Russia, could not be viable. Stalin's 
introduction, in the autumn of 1924, of the "theory" of "socialism in one country" - which 
was not really a "theory" at all, but rather a crudely pragmatic response to the defeat of 
the German revolution during the previous year and the temporary decline of the 
revolutionary movement in Western Europe - ran counter to the internationalist 
orientation propounded by the Bolsheviks under the leadership of Lenin and Trotsky. 

... It may seem paradoxical that Trotsky, the great protagonist of world revolution, 
placed greater emphasis than any other Soviet leader of his time on the overriding 
importance of close economic links between the USSR and the world capitalist market. 
Soviet economic development, he insisted, required both access to the resources of the 
world market and the intelligent utilization of the international division of labor. The 
development of economic planning required at minimum a knowledge of competitive 
advantage and efficiencies at the international level. It served no rational economic 
purpose for the USSR to make a virtue of frittering away its own limited resources in a 
vain effort to duplicate on Soviet soil what it could obtain at far less cost on the world 
capitalist market. 

... It is helpful to keep in mind that Trotsky belonged to a generation of Russian 
Marxists who had utilized the opportunity provided by revolutionary exile to carefully 
observe and study the workings of the capitalist system in the advanced countries. They 
were familiar not only with the oft-described "horrors" of capitalism, but also with its 


positive achievements. ... Trotsky argued that a vital precondition for the development of 
the Soviet economy along socialist lines was its assimilation of the basic techniques of 
capitalist management, organization, accounting and production. 

... Indeed, the claim is often made that collectivization arose out of Stalin's adoption, 
in the late 1920s, of the Left Opposition's program of rapid industrialization. In actual fact, 
Trotsky opposed and denounced the frenzied collectivization campaign launched by the 
Stalinists. Despite the pseudo-socialist demagogy that accompanied it, Trotsky warned 
that the policy, implemented with reckless disregard of the real productive capabilities of 
both industry and the countryside, proceeded from the same nationalistic and anti- 
Marxist conceptions of "socialism in one country" that underlay the previous failed 
economic programs of the Stalinist bureaucracy. 

In a critique of Stalinist collectivization written in 1930, Trotsky acknowledged that he had 
previously advocated a more rapid tempo of industrialization, and the use of heavier taxation of 
wealthier sections of the peasantry (the kulaks) to provide resources for the development of 
heavy industry. 

... The initial setback suffered by the Left Opposition in the late autumn of 1923 was 
definitely bound up with the defeat of the German Revolution, which dimmed hopes that 
European workers would in the near future come to the aid of the USSR. This was the 
climate that created a broader audience for the nationalist perspective of socialism in one 
country. The political disorientation produced by the nationalist line of the Soviet leaders 
inside the Communist International led, in turn, to more defeats for the working class 
outside the USSR. 

... In April 1932 Trotsky issued a statement warning that the victory of Hitler would 
make war between Germany and Soviet Russia inevitable. Choosing his words carefully, 
Trotsky explained how he would respond, were he in power, to a fascist victory in 

"... Upon receiving the telegraphic communication of this event, I would sign an order 
for the mobilization of the reserves. When you have a mortal enemy before you, and 
when war flows with necessity from the logic of the objective situation, it would be 
unpardonable light-mindedness to give that enemy time to establish and fortify himself, 
conclude the necessary alliances, receive the necessary help, work out a plan of 
concentric military actions, not only from the West but from the East, and thus grow up to 
the dimensions of a colossal danger." 1 

... we have attempted to demonstrate that the victory of Trotskyism - that is, of 
genuine Marxism - would have in all probability profoundly altered the course of Soviet 
history and that of the international socialist movement. ... I would like to cite a valuable 
work entitled The Birth of Stalinism by the German historian Michal Reiman . 

"The importance of the left opposition is often underestimated in the literature ... 
[M]any authors doubt that the opposition had any substantial influence on the mass of 
party members and even less on broader sections of the population. One can hardly 
agree with such views: they seem paradoxical indeed in light of the mountain of 
ammunition expended on the opposition by the party leadership in those years - the 
multitude of official declarations, reports, pamphlets, and books, not to mention the mass 
political campaigns that penetrated even the remotest parts of the USSR. 

"In the spring of 1926 the united opposition, based on a cadre of old and experienced 
party leaders, conquered some fairly significant positions. It consolidated its influence in 
Leningrad, the Ukraine, Transcaucasia, and the Urals region; in the universities; in some 
of the central government offices; in a number of factories of Moscow and the central 
industrial region; and among a section of the command staff of the army and navy, which 

1 Writings of Leon Trotsky 1932 (New York: 1973), p. 82 


had passed through the difficult years of the civil war under Trotsky's leadership. 
Repression by the party leadership prevented the opposition from growing, but its 
influence was still much greater than indicated by the various votes taken in the party 
cells." 2 

Trotsky and the other principal leaders of the Left Opposition were expelled from the Russian 
Communist Party at a plenum of the central committee held in July and August 1927. This failed 
to silence the Opposition. 

"Even after the plenum," writes Reiman, "the party organizations continued to be flooded 
- especially in the large urban centers and the two capitals - with opposition literature and 
leaflets. Reports of heightened opposition activity came one after another from various 
cities and from entire provinces - Leningrad, the Ukraine, Transcaucasia, Siberia, the 
Urals, and, of course, Moscow, where the greater number of opposition political leaders 
were working. There was a steadily growing number of illegal and semi-legal meetings 
attended by industrial workers and young people. 

The influence of the opposition in a number of large party units became quite 
substantial. It hampered the former free functioning of the Stalinist party apparatus. The 
army was also strongly affected by opposition activity. Reports on a significant rise in the 
authority of the opposition came from the Leningrad military district and the garrison in 
Leningrad, from Kronstadt, and from troop units in the Ukraine and Byelorussia. "The 
main problem was not the increase in opposition activity, however, but the overall 
balance of power within the party. Quite a large number of famous political leaders were 
on the opposition side. The weakened authority of the party leadership, especially of 
Stalin and Bukharin, was insufficient to turn the setbacks and failures of party policy into 
gains." (Saunders, Birth of Stalinism: pp. 28-29 ) 

How, then, did the Stalin faction overcome the challenge represented by the Left Opposition? 
Reiman explains: "The leadership could not cope with the situation without bringing the GPU into 
the fight." ... the Stalinist terror was the means by which it was annihilated. ... Stalin's victims 
were, in their collective activity, the representatives of an extraordinary socialist culture that 
imparted to the revolutionary movement of the Russian working class a world historical 

In Trotsky, this culture found its highest expression. As Victor Serge explained so brilliantly, 

"For a man like Trotsky to arise, it was necessary that thousands and thousands of 
individuals should establish the type over a long historical period. It was a broad social 
phenomenon, not the sudden flashing of a comet ... The formation of this great social 
type - the highest reach of modern man, I think - ceased after 1917, and most of its 
surviving representatives were massacred at Stalin's orders in 1936-37. ... 

Stalin's Great Terror: Origins and Consequences AND Leon Trotsky and the Fate of Marxism in 
the USSR BY Vadim Z. Rogovin: Contains lectures delivered by Russian Marxist historian 
Vadim Rogovin in Australia in 1996. Rogovin's central thesis is that there was and remains a 
Marxist alternative to Stalinism. He demonstrates that Stalin's Great Terror was not the irrational 
response of a paranoid tyrant, but was precipitated by the need for the Stalinist bureaucracy to 
eradicate the growing socialist opposition to its rule, led by Trotsky and the Left Opposition. 1996, 
39p, ISBN 1-875639-13-6 

(c) 1998 by World Socialist Web Site (TM) All rights reserved 

2 The Birth of Stalinism: The USSR on the Eve of the "Second Revolution" Tr. George Saunders 
(Bloomington: 1987), pp. 19-20 


Ravoksky's evidence at the Moscow Trials 

Report of Court Proceedings in the case of the Anti-Soviet "Bloc of Rights and Trotskyites" 


Moscow, March 2-13, 1938 








MOSCOW 1938 

{background: at the time, Korea and Manchuria were part of Japan's empire. The following 

should be compared with the statements purportedly made by Rakovsky under his first 

interrogation, and recorded in Red Symphony. However, Red Symphony states that its material is 

too secret to be publicly disclosed at the trial} 


COMMANDANT OF THE COURT: The Court is coming, please rise. 

THE PRESIDENT: Be seated. I declare the session of the Military Collegium of the 
Supreme Court of the U.S.S.R. open. 

The trial is of Nikolai Ivanovich BUKARIN, Alexei Ivanovich RYKOV, Genrikh Grigorievich 
YAGODA, Nikolai Nikolayevich KRESTINSKY, Khristian Georgievich RAKOVSKY, 
Arkady Pavlovich ROSENGOLTZ, Vladimir Ivanovich IVANOV, Mikhail Alexandrovich 
CHERNOV, Grirori Fedorovich GRINKO, Isaac Abramovich ZELENSY, Sergei 
Alexeyevich BESSONOV, Akmal IKRAMOV, Faizulla HODJAYEV, Vasily Fomich 
SHARANGOVICH, Prokopy Timofeyevich ZUBAREV, Pavel Petrovich BULANOV, Lev 
Grigorievich LEVIN, Dmitrv Dmitrievich PLETNEV, Ignaty Nikolayevich AZAOV, 
Venvamin Adamovich MAXIMOV, and Pyotr Petrovich KRYUCHOV on charges of 
treason to the country, espionage, committing acts of diversion, terrorism, wrecking, 
undermining the military power of the U.S.S.R. and of provoking a military attack of 
foreign states upon the U.S.S.R., i.e., of crimes covered by Articles 581a, 587, 588, 588, 
589 and 5811 of the Criminal Code of the R.S.F.S.R. 

... THE PRESIDENT: Accused Rakovsky, Khristian Georgievich, have you received a 
copy of the indictment? 

RAKOVSKY: I have. 

THE PRESIDENT: Accused Rakovsky, do you desire to have Counsel for Defence? 

RAKOVSKY: No. ... 

... the German fascist, mainly military, circles, on the matter of jointly fighting the 
U.S.S.R., not only personally negotiated for support for the anti-Soviet conspiracy with 
DAITZ, ROSENBERG'S closest colleague in the foreign affairs department of the fascist 
party, but was kept informed of the meetings and negotiations between L. TROTSKY and 
HESS, NIEDERMEIER and Professor HAUSHOFER, with whom L. TROTSKY reached 
an agreement on the terms mentioned by PYATACOV at the trial of the Anti-Soviet 
Trotskyite Centre. The accused BESSONOV testified: 

... As is evident from these terms ... the main emphasis in the underground work of the 
Trotskyites was placed on undermining, espionage, diversion and terrorist acts in the 
U.S.S.R." (Vol. XI, p. 106.) 


The existence of an agreement between L. TROTSKY and the Trotskyite organization in the 
U.S.S.R., on the one hand, and the fascist circles, on the other, and the carrying on in the 
U.S.S.R. of undermining defeatist activities on the instructions of the German intelligence service 
was admitted during the investigation by other accused in the present case. 

However, the defeatist activities of the Trotskyite hirelings were not limited merely to 
connections with German fascism. In conjunction with other participants in the anti-Soviet 
conspiracy, in conformity with L. TROTSKY'S line, they orientated themselves also on another 
fascist aggressor - Japan. 

The factual side of the treasonable connections of the anti-Soviet conspirators with the 
Japanese intelligence service is presented in the materials of the investigation in the following 

As was testified by the accused KRESTINSKY, at a meeting he had with L. TROTSKY in 
Meran in October 1933, TROTSKY urged the necessity of establishing closer connections with 
the Japanese intelligence service. 

KRESTINSKY conveyed TROTSKY'S instructions to PYATAKOV and other leaders of the 
conspiracy, who through the medium of the accused RAKOVSKY and other participants in the 
conspiracy entered into treasonable connections with representatives of Japan, the latter 
undertaking to render the conspiracy armed assistance in overthrowing the Soviet government, in 
exchange for which the conspirators promised to surrender the Soviet Maritime Region to Japan. 

As has been established by the investigation, the accused RAKOVSKY, in view of his 
departure for Japan in the summer of 1934, received from PYATACOV instructions to the effect 
that it was 

"... necessary at the same time to increase activities abroad in the sense of establishing 
contact with governments hostile to the U.S.S.R. ... necessary to make efforts to take 
advantage of the visit to Tokyo and probably — - will take the necessary steps in this 
direction." (Vol. IV, p. 19) 

The accused RAKOVSKY carried out this instruction, and while in Tokyo did indeed enter into 
criminal connections with — - circles. 

On this matter the accused RAKOVSKY testified as follows: 

All these circumstances had as their logical and practical consequence the fact that I ... 
when I was in Tokyo became a direct spy-agent of — -, being enlisted for this purpose, on 

the instructions of , by Mr. N, a most influential political figure in capitalist-feudal 

Japan and one of her biggest plutocrats. " (vol. IV, p. 186) 

The aforementioned accused RAKOVSKY, speaking of the connections of enemy of the people 
L. TROTSKY with the British Intelligence Service, testified as follows: 

"I knew that TROTSKY has been an agent of the Intelligence Service since the end of 
1926. TROTSKY himself informed me of it." (Vol. IV, p. 363.) 

The groups of bourgeois nationalists which belonged to the "bloc of Rights and Trotskyites" were 
also very closely connected with foreign intelligence services. 

Thus, the accused GRINKO, who was an agent of the German and Polish intelligence 
services, in dealing with the anti-Soviet activities of the Ukrainian national-fascist organization of 
which he was one of the leaders, testified as follows: 

"... In 1930, we in our organization discussed the necessity of coming to an agreement 
with Poland about obtaining military assistance for an insurrection in the Ukraine against 
the Soviet government. As a result of these negotiations with Poland an agreement was 
reached and the Polish General Staff increased the quantity of arms and the number of 
diversionists and PETLIURA emissaries sent to the Ukraine." (Vol. IX, p. 18.) 


And he said further: 

"At the end of 1932 I, in connection with my nationalist activities, entered into treasonable 
connections with Mr. N. We met in my office, where Mr. N used to come to see me on 
business concerning a German concession. 

THE PRESIDENT: Accused Rakovsky. {Rakovsky's final plea} 

RAKOVSKY: Citizen President of the Court, Citizens Judges, yesterday I listened with 
great and rapt attention to the speech for the prosecution delivered by the Procurator of 
the Union, not because I intended to enter into a controversy with him. I had no such 
intention. I confessed to all my crimes. What would it matter for the substance of the case 
if I should attempt to establish here before you the fact that I learned of many of the 
crimes, and of the most appalling crimes of the "bloc of Rights and Trotskyites," here in 
Court, and that it was here that I first met some of the participants? It is of no import 
whatever. I am connected with the "bloc of Rights and Trotskyites,' of course within the 
limits defined by the Criminal Code, by that complicity, both political and juridical, which 
follows from the fact that I belonged to this bloc. 

Like a galley-slave fettered to his galley, I am fettered to the "bloc of Rights and 
Trotskyites" with the heavy chain of my crimes. I participated in the underground counter- 
revolutionary Trotskyite organization up to the last moment, to the moment of my arrest. 

I was an active member of the "block of Rights and Trotskyites." I committed the 
gravest crimes against the state. I am doubly a spy. In 1924 I established criminal 
connections with the British Intelligence Service, and in 1934 I established criminal 
connections with the Japanese intelligence service. In 1927 I carried on negotiations with 
some of the Right capitalist circles in France, the object of these negotiations being in the 
long run also directed against the Soviet Union. In 1935 I took advantage of the fact that 
the French Minister Laval was on a visit in Moscow, accompanied by French journalists, 
in order to attempt in a conversation with one of them (I mentioned his name) to hinder, 
to disrupt, the Franco-Soviet rapprochement. 

Citizens Judges, I informed you about Trotsky's letter of July 1934, in which he wrote 
of the necessity of isolating Stalin internationally, that is to say, of strengthening, 
consolidating the capitalist encirclement around the Soviet Union. I belonged to the so- 
called "Fifth Column" of which the Procurator spoke yesterday, and I have deserved all 
those maledictions which are now sweeping from all corners of the Soviet land against us 
sitting here in the dock, maledictions of which the speech for the prosecution delivered by 
the Procurator, however severe and trenchant it was with regard to us, was perhaps but 
a weak reflection. 

Citizens Judges, I share the State Prosecutor's regret that the enemy of the people, 
Trotsky, is not here in the dock alongside of us. The picture of our trial loses in 
completeness and depth because of the fact that the ataman of our gang is not present 
here. Nobody will suspect me of saying this from a selfish desire, from a base motive to 
shift on to Trotsky a part of that guilt and that responsibility which I myself bear. I am 
older than Trotsky both in years and in political career, and I probably have no less 
political experience than Trotsky. I regret his absence here for considerations of a 
political nature. I am sorry, because Trotsky's absence in this dock means that no matter 
how his opportunities may be limited, his activities will continue, and this presents a 
danger, even if a small one for the international labour movement. It is true that even 
beyond the Mexican meridian Trotsky will not escape that complete, final, shameful 
ignominy which we all are undergoing here. 

This, in substance, covers everything relating to the legal, juridical aspect of my 
case, and I would have even foregone my last plea had I not considered it necessary, 
after what was said here by the Procurator, to try in my turn to point out the exceptional 
political importance of the present trial. But it seems to me that Citizen the Procurator 


dwelt on only one aspect of the case. Yes, he stressed the monstrosity of the crimes 
which we committed, but I should like to turn your attention, 

Citizens Judges, to the fact that the monstrosity of this is also determined by the 
persons who committed these crimes. Who were those who committed espionage, 
wrecking, acts of diversion, terrorism, murder? They were committed not by candidates 
for criminal court records, people living in slums and cellars. The criminals sitting here 
had to be taken from the house of the government. And thus the question which arises 
and to which I, as one of those involved, feel the necessity to find an answer, is the 
question as to how former members of the Central Committee, former members of the 
government, former ambassadors have ended up here. What form of insanity brought 
them to this dock of political infamy? 

I think that this is all the more necessary since this question faces every one of us 
and every one is searching for an explanation. I shall mention one explanation which is 
widely current. After all, this is not the first trial. I remember how this question was 
answered in connection with the other trials. People are satisfied with the trite and 
shallow bourgeois explanation, according to which all revolutions finish by devouring their 
own children. The October Revolution, they say, did not escape this general law of 
historical fatalism. 

It is a ridiculous, groundless analogy. Bourgeois revolutions did indeed finish - 
excuse me if I cite here some theoretical arguments which, however, are of significance 
for the present moment - bourgeois revolutions did indeed finish by devouring their own 
children, because after they had triumphed they had to suppress their allies from among 
the people, their revolutionary allies of the Left. 

But the proletarian revolution, the revolution of the class which is revolutionary to the 
end, when it applies what Marx called "plebeian methods of retaliation, " it applies them 
not to the advanced elements, it applies them to those who stand in the way of this 
revolution, or to those who, as ourselves, were with this revolution, marched along with it 
for a certain time, and then stabbed it in the back. 

And I, an active Trotskyite, a very close personal friend of Trotsky (the Procurator 
has established that our friendship was of 34 years' duration), a man who after many had 
returned (true, with duplicity) into the Party, continued for many more years to carry on an 
open struggle against the Party leadership. I want to answer this question. Permit me to 
share with you my thoughts, on this subject. 

Citizens Judges, why indeed did it happen that I turned against my Party and in the 
end sank to the status of a criminal? What did we Trotskyites represent in the Party? We 
were what is known as an alien body in the living Party organism. Trotsky joined the 
Bolshevik Party only a few months before the October Revolution, his Ideology took 
shape in the fight against Bolshevism. I joined the Party at the end of 1917, after I had 
belonged for more than a quarter of a century to the Second International, which 
developed under entirely specific conditions, under the conditions of peaceful 
development of capitalism, and, although I belonged to its Left wing, I was permeated by 
its opportunism. If you trace back the history of other Trotskyites, if I take Radek, 
Pyatakov Preobrazhensky as examples, you will find that both before the October 
Revolution and after the October Revolution every one of them as guilty of a number of 
serious deviations. 

And it must be said that from the very first moment we Trotskyites adopted the 
attitude of antagonists of the Party leadership. From the very first moment. Brest-Litovsk. 
I shall not refer here to the testimony (you know it) which clarifies Trotsky's role during 
the period of the Brest-Litovsk negotiations. The discussion about the trade unions. What 
was that? It was a trial of forces. The accused Zelensky mentioned facts here which will 
perhaps reveal that there was in general another attempt there, only, as far as 
remember, all the persons whom he mentioned did not belong to the Trotskyite faction, 
but to the so-called D. C. faction, the faction of Democratic Centralism. We suffered 
defeat and immediately adopted an orientation toward foreign states. It is sufficient just to 
remind you of the fact which was here established. We suffered defeat in 1921 in the 
discussion on the trade unions. The Party in its striving to consolidate its internal unity 


removed a number of Trotskyites from the Central Committee. 

In 1921 Trotsky already gave his first instruction about establishing criminal 
connections with the German intelligence service. In 1926 came the second instruction. 
The first instruction was given to Krestinsky, the second to Rosengoltz. At the end of 
1924 a recruiting aent of the intelligence service called on me; I could have thrown him 
down the stairs, because he resorted to blackmail. But when he said: "Do not forget that 
we obtained the agreement for you because we learnt that you were a Trotskyite, " this 
touched the Trotskyite strain in me. I gave no answer at the time, I talked it over with 
Trotsky. We knew the position we were in. I had been removed from the Ukraine, some 
had been removed from the Central Committee, Smirnov had been removed from the 
Siberian Revolutionary Committee, Radek and Pyatakov were also at loose end, and 
Trotsky was saying that in the very near future, within the next few days, he would have 
to quit the Revolutionary Committee, unless he wanted to be ousted from it with a bang. 

I am arraying all these facts so that the picture may become clear. In 1926 we 
already established connections with the foreign intelligence service. In 1927 it became 
apparent that we were suffering defeat, and that it would be a defeat after which no 
maneuver would succeed, because before that defeat the Zinovievite-Trotskyite 
opposition stood at attention before the Party and remained in the Party while continuing 
to work against the Party; we knew that at the Fifteenth Congress of the Party, at the very 
latest, we would be expelled, if not all of us, at any rate Trotsky. Now we had to pass on 
to work in secret. After that I left for France. In August and September I carried on 
negotiations about uniting the opposition and about what we could obtain from certain 
French circles in order to gain victory. 

I shall not relate the history of Trotskyism, it is well known. I only want to speak about 
the formation of the "bloc of Rights and Trotskyites. " The formation of the "bloc of Rights 
and Trotskyites " was, if we may put it that way, "a marriage of convenience, " each party 
contributing its dowery. We Trotskyites contributed our connections with foreign 
intelligence services, the Rights contributed their cadres, their connections with the 
nationalist, Menshevik, Socialist-Revolutionary and other elements, their connections 
with the kulaks. Of course, in addition to this fixed capital of ours, each could contribute 
something else. We did not hesitate before perfidy, before deceit, treason, bribery, 
murder by means of poison or the revolver instead of the traditional dagger. 

I shall not speak of any ideology of this bloc. You heard here the platform of my 
fellow-accused in this trial, N. I. Bukharin . This, of course, represents restoration of 
capitalist relations in two leaps, through opening the sluices for free trade with abroad, 
through the return of the kulaks, through the liquidation of the collective farms, through 
opening the doors wide for concession capital. We calculated that we would achieve 
complete the triumph of capitalism in an extremely short period of time. 

Ours was, of course, a counter-revolutionary ideology. We wanted to rely for support 
on the elements which had already been doomed by the Five-Year Plans, the elements 
which had been swept away, cast out. Of course there is nothing surprising in the fact 
that these old ruins came down with a crash and we found ourselves buried under the 
debris. I think that this is not enough. In my opinion, there is no precedent of politically 
minded people, people who had a definite political past, experience, and so forth, 
displaying such naivete, such self-delusion, such illusions as those which held sway over 
them. Yes, it was raving, real raving, the ravings of a madman to think that way, but we 
did think that way. We thought that with our insignificant forces, not only without any base 
of support, but with the working class against us, with the Party against us - we thought 
that we could achieve some results. These were ravings, calculating on some kind of 
foreign assistance. Ravings in what sense? This foreign assistance would utilize us and 
then throw us overboard. From a political force, we became a tool. 

Ravings in every respect. Our misfortune was that we; occupied responsible posts, 
that power had made us dizzy. We were blinded by that passion, by that ambition for 
power. This cannot be explained by "ideology" alone. These two factors, taken together 
and acting in combination, brought us to the dock. 

We considered ourselves to be people sent by providence, we consoled ourselves 


with the thought that we would be summoned, that we were needed. This is what both 
the Trotskyites and the Rights said. We did not notice that the entire development of the 
Soviet Union swept over us, that the peaceful revolution which transformed our 
countryside swept over us, that this immense growth of the cultural and political level of 
the masses of the people and the creation of new cadres of politically trained people from 
among the Stakhanovites swept over us. All this swept over us, unnoticed by us. 

The sobering moment had to come. Perhaps I will somewhat contradict what the 
Procurator said, but I am of the opinion that the "bloc of Rights and Trotskyites" was 
doomed to disintegration. Of course, this does not absolve the bloc of the responsibility 
for the crimes which were committed. 

There was no political future whatever in store for us. For many of us the moment of 
sobering had not arrived, because it began only after we had been arrested. 

Citizens Judges, I told everything that I committed, without concealing or holding 
back a single fact. Both during the Court investigation, during the preliminary 
investigation, and during the trial (I think I will not be mistaken if I say so) I was not found 
guilty of a single contradiction or of concealing any fact. 

I think that this proves that I revealed myself before you fully and entirely, that I stand 
fully and entirely exposed. 

I wish to make one appeal to you, an appeal which would never have escaped my 
lips if this were a different court. But I make this appeal to you because I see in your 
persons the Soviet Court, the proletarian Court. It is an appeal for mercy. Yesterday the 
State Prosecutor made this task in a certain sense easier for me, inasmuch as he did not 
demand the supreme penalty for me. But I must say that in the gradation of the minimum 
and maximum which the citizen Procurator mentioned here, there is a certain limit which 
exceeds the limits of my age. I want to mention this only: that, in applying the appropriate 
articles of the law to me, you may consider this circumstance and form your decision in 
accordance, so to speak, with the physiological limitations of the accused who stands 
before you. 

Citizens Judges, from my young days I honestly, truthfully and devotedly performed 
my duty as a soldier of the cause of the emancipation of labour. After this bright period a 
dark period set in, the period of my criminal deeds, of treason to the fatherland, a series 
of dark crimes which I briefly summed up before you today. I told you all I knew, I told 
everything, I concealed nothing, I held back nothing, I repent deeply and sincerely, and I 
ask you to give me the opportunity to redeem even if an insignificant part of my guilt, 
even by the most modest work, no matter under what circumstances. I have finished. 

THE PRESIDENT: The accused Rosengoltz may make his last plea. 

On Trotsky's second wife, Natalya Sedova 

http//www. acts 17 11. com/red symphony. htm 
As far as Trotsky's ties to the world financial elite are concerned, they were well-known long 
before the publication of The Red Symphony. In 1919 the French government received from its 
informer in Washington a detailed report (1618-6 No. 912), where "Red Leon's" New York 
banker-sponsors were listed. It was noted that Trotsky established his connections with the 
financiers after his marriage to the daughter of banker Abram Zhivotovsky . One of the main 
financiers of the Revolution Felix Warburg compromised himself to such a degree by his 
connections with the Bolsheviks that it was decided to remove him from the US Federal Reserve 
Board, in order to "cover the traces" of American bankers' ties to the Russian Revolution. 

Dmitri Volkogonov deals with Trotsky's time in New York in 1917 on pp. 64-5 of his biography 
Trotsky: the Eternal Revolutionary. 

He says that Trotsky spent 2 months there giving lectures & meeting other revolutionaries. 
Then he returned to Russia. 

His wife (2nd, Natalya Sedova) went to New York with him on the boat. (p. 63). 


At first, I thought that the Red Symphony claim was that Trotsky married a Warburg daughter 
in New York in 1917. But it is Natalya Sedova who it refers to - the claim being that she was 
"associated with" Abram Zhivotovsky. Trotsky married her about 1904 (whether common-law or 
formal, is not known). 

The surname "Zhivotovsky" does not show up in the index of Volkogonov's book. Natalya 
Sedova left her husband, for Trotsky; Trotsky's children with her were given the surname 
"Sedov". Natalya may have kept her first husband's name. Alternatively, she may have kept her 
mother's surname, just as Trotsky's children did. 

There is only one reference to Natalya in Red Symphony, and it does not say that she is the 
daughter of Zhivotovsky, although that is one of the interpretations. 

It reads, 

Sedova. Do you know who she is? She is associated with Zhivotovsky, linked with the 
bankers Warburg, partners and relatives of Jacob Schiff, i.e. of that financial group which, 
as I had said, had also financed the revolution of 1905. 

The claim, thus put, is worth investigating. 

Rakovsky's credibility at the Moscow Trials 

From internet searches, I found that after Trotsky's expulsion, Rakovsky was his chief 
representative in Russia, although he always remained an independent thinker. In searches, look 
for C. G. Rakovsky , Christian Ravoksky , and Khristian Rakovsky . 

Later, after the rise of Hitler, Rakovsky endorsed Stalin as the lesser evil; Trotsky then broke 
with him. I found this information on a Trotskyist website. 

Although witnesses at the Moscow Trials would have been subject to torture, this break 
between Trotsky & Rakovsky gives added credibility to Rakovsky's evidence. 

The official English transcript of the Moscow Trials, dealing with Rakovsky, contains an anti- 
Trotskyist line, but says nothing of the llluminati. 

But Red Symphony purports to be raw data, an interrogation in French - so that Russians 
present would not understand - and in which the interrogator wants Rakovsky to tell much more 
than could be disclosed later at the Trial, and in official documents. 

In it, Rakovsky persists in an anti-Stalin line, saying that what passes for "Communism" 
under Stalin is really Bonapartism, and that he - Rakovsky - stands for Socialism instead (this 
makes it sound genuine to me). But, he says, Sedova's marriage wrought a tie between Wall 
Street and Trotsky. Lenin and the other Jewish Bolsheviks did not know about it, but Lenin's wife 

It says that the rise of Stalin wrecked the Wall Street plan to control and use Communism, via 
Trotsky. So they helped fund Hitler's rise to power - not that they controlled Hitler - partly because 
he talked of attacking the USSR, and partly because War creates opportunities for the 

According to Rakovsky, their message for Stalin was that he should divide Poland with Hitler. 
If he did so, the West would attack Germany only. If he did not, they would let Germany attack 
the USSR, without coming to its aid. 

Illuminatus and the llluminoids - "Rowan Berkeley" on Red Symphony 

Date: Sun, 9 May 2004 21:15:50 +0100 

From: "Rowan Berkeley" <> 

> You take an equally hard line on Makow, 

> Israel Shamir and Barry Chamish ... 

> Do you accept that Mordecai Vanunu is 

> genuine, or does he get caught up in 


> your "fakery" net too? Aren't 18 years 

> in jail (10 in solitary confinement) 

> enough evidence? 

... I hope I have never suggested or implied that Mordecai Vanunu was some sort of 
plant. As for Barry Chamish and Henry Makow , though, I stick to my view, which is that 
they have a discernable agenda, namely to minimize the apparent Jewish domination of 
today's global elite, and to argue by means of whatever patter suits their respective 
audiences that the masters of the elite are not Jews. The range of substitute evil elites 
which has been created by the llluminoid disinformational chorus is quite stunning, really, 
when you add it up: Sabbatians, Frankists, Satanists, Nazis, Freemasons, British Titled 
Thugs and Monarchs, the European Black Nobility , the Jesuits , the Vatican , the 
Merovingians , Lizards from Zeta Reticuli ... let the inner circle be composed of anything 
other than Jews, is the golden rule, and you will be allowed to rant to your heart's 

In Barry's case, this is achieved by means of a highly inventive linguistic shell game, 
which progressively defines Sabbatians and Frankists as bad Jews, then as non-Jews, 
and finally as anti-Jews, so that the religious and ethnic elements in the definitions 
become hopelessly mixed up. He learned this trick, ironically, from ultra-Orthodox Rabbis 
who originally invented it to delegitimise Labour Zionists for being too preoccupied with 
profane nationalism, but have now turned it round so as to delegitimise Labour Zionists 
for not being preoccupied enough with profane nationalism, which therefore has to be 
protected by religious Zionist fanatics of the Kachist sort. For an even more crass 
example of Zionist propaganda masquerading as anti-NWO radicalism, see: 

A bit of Googling has indicated that the Spanish text "Sinfonia en Rojo Major", 
produced by Editorial E.R.S.A. under the well-known publisher Senor Don Mauricio 
Carlavilla , etc etc, does after all exist, albeit untranslated. However, since this gentleman 
is the publisher of George Knupffer's own works in Spanish translation, it is impossible to 
determine who really is responsible for the book - Landowsky, Carlavilla, the 'Spanish 
volunteer' ("This is the result of a painstaking translation of several copybooks found on 
the body of Dr. Landowsky in a hut on the Petrograd front by a Spanish volunteer"), or 
Knupffer himself. 

I think I will stick with Anthony Sutton , actually, though I do enjoy the dialectical 
elegance of "Red Symphony" and I am only indulging in sour grapes about it because I 
have wasted money trying to get the full English version, which definitely doesn't exist 
yet. There is a job here for a translator, if they can find a copy of the Spanish edition. 

But Henry Makow is one of those who argue that Red Symphony is genuine, and important for 
understanding the continuance of Communism post-Soviet Union, via the Feminist, Gay, and 
other "minority" movements. 

Makow put the "llluminati Defector" material on his website, which claims that the conspiracy 
is 'Aryan' , but later agreed with me that it writes out the 
Jewish role. It's possible that the defector is genuine, but unaware that she's in the lower ranks, 
and is deceived herself. 

Trotsky in Norway, accused of co-operating with the Gestapo 

Trotsky explicitly promoted Radical Feminism, Youth Rebellion, Communal Childrearing and the 
Destruction of the Family, in his book The Revolution Betrayed. 

It was written in 1936, when Trotsky was living in Norway, and was first published in 1937. 
The English translation is by Max Eastman. 

How do you like your Trotsky - hot or cold? 

The Revolution Betrayed is hot - a fiery manifesto, and the author comes across as a fearful 
warrior wreaking social havoc; one is glad that he was contained. Yet his account of his time in 


Norway is cold - it reads like a traveller's diary, and I cannot help feeling sympathy for him. 
Trotsky in Norway: . 
In The Revolution Betrayed, Trotsky mentions Rakovsky as a close ally: 

{p. 86} Chapter 5 THE SOVIET THERMIDOR 

{p. 101} Christian Rakovsky, former president of the soviet of People's Commissars of 

the Ukraine, and later Soviet Ambassador in London and Paris, sent to his friends in 

1928, when already in exile, a brief inguiry into the Soviet bureaucracy, which we have 

guoted above several times, for it still remains the best that has been written on this 

subject. ... 

It is true that Rakovsky himself, broken by the bureaucratic repressions, 
subseguently repudiated his own critical judgments. But the 70-year-old Galileo too, 
caught in the vise of the Holy Inguisition, found himself compelled to repudiate the 
system of CopernicusNwhich did not prevent the earth from continuing to revolve around 
the sun. We do not believe in the recantation of the 60-year-old Rakovsky, for he himself 
has more than once made a withering analysis of such recantations. 

Rakovsky features prominently in Red Symphony, as a prisoner at the Moscow Trials - which 
were under way when Trotsky was in Norway (after writing The Revolution Betrayed). According 
to Red Symphony, Rakovsky remained a Trotskyist, but confessed that High Finance was behind 
Trotsky, through his wife Natalya Sedova, and that the powers thus promoting Trotsky, having 
lost control of the Soviet Union to Stalin, would back Hitler, in order to destroy the wrong kind of 
Communism Stalin was creating. 

Could this be why, just before Trotsky left Norway, the Soviet Government accused him of 
co-operating with the Gestapo? 

Trotsky expresses his astonishment at this charge. Trotsky in Norway: . 

Trotsky calls Stalin a Bonapartist 

In the paragraphs below, from The Revolution Betrayed, Trotsky calls Stalin a Bonapartist, 
likening him to Napoleon I and Napoleon III. But he also likens him to Hitler, saying that all of 
them were defeaters of the democratic forces. Trotsky never admits the covert Jewish leadership 
of those "democratic" forces. 

Contrary to Trotsky's position, what Napoleon I, Napoleon II, and Stalin have in common is 
that they defeated Jewish and/or Freemasonic revolutionary movements from within, yet carried 
the revolution forward; Hitler did the same from the outside. 

Some may object over the Freemasonry claim. But Trotsky himself agreed, in his 
autobiography, that the French Revolution had been launched by Freemasons or llluminiati. He 
studied this topic when in Odessa prison. 

The hardback edition is My Life: The Rise and Fall of a Dictator (Thornton Butterworth 
Limited, London 1930); the paperback edition is My Life (Penguin, Harmondsworth, 1975). 

{hbk p. 106, pbk p. 124} It was during that period that I became interested in 

{hbk p. 107} In the eighteenth century freemasonry became expressive of a militant 
policy of enlightenment, as in the case of the llluminati, who were the forerunners of the 
revolution; on its left it culminated in the Carbonari. Freemasons counted among their 
members both Louis XVI and the Dr. Guillotin who invented the guillotine. In southern 
Germany freemasonry assumed an openly revolutionary character, whereas at the court 
of Catherine the Great it was a masguerade reflecting the {pbk p. 125} aristocratic and 
bureaucratic hierarchy. A freemason Novikov was exiled to Siberia by a freemason 
Empress. ... 

{hbk p. 108, pbk p. 126} I discontinued my work on freemasonry to take up the study 


of Marxian economics. ... The work on freemasonry acted as a sort of test for these 
hypotheses. ... I think this influenced the whole course of my intellectual development. 

{Stalin resembles Napoleon 1} 


{p. 197} Napoleon I, after radically abandoning the traditions of Jacobinism, donning the 
crown, and restoring the Catholic cult, remained nevertheless an object of hatred to the 
whole of ruling semi-feudal Europe, because he continued to defend the new property 
system created by the revolution. Until the monopoly of foreign trade is broken and the 
rights of capital restored, the Soviet Union, in spite of all the services of its ruling stratum, 
remains in the eyes of the bourgeoisie of the whole world an irreconcilable enemy, and 
German National Socialism a friend, if not today, at least of tomorrow. 

{Stalin also resembles Napoleon III} 

Chapter 11 


Bonapartism as a Regime of Crisis ... 

{p. 277} Caesarism, or its bourgeois form, Bonapartism, enters the scene in those 
moments of history when the sharp struggle of two camps raises the state power, so to 
speak, above the nation, and guarantees it, in appearance, a complete independence of 
classes in reality, only the freedom necessary for a defense of the privileged. The Stalin 
{p. 278} regime, rising above a politically atomized society, resting upon a police and 
officers' corps, and allowing of no control whatever, is obviously a variation of 
Bonapartism - a Bonapartism of a new type not before seen in history. 

Caesarism arose upon the basis of a slave society shaken by inward strife. 
Bonapartism is one of the political weapons of the capitalist regime in its critical period. 
Stalinism is a variety of the same system, but upon the basis of a workers' state torn by 
the antagonism between an organized and armed Soviet aristocracy and the unarmed 
toiling masses. 

As history testifies, Bonapartism gets along admirably with a universal, and even a 
secret, ballot. The democratic ritual of Bonapartism is the plebiscite. From time to time, 
the question is presented to the citizens: for or against the leader? And the voter feels the 
barrel of a revolver between his shoulders. Since the time of Napoleon III, who now 
seems a provincial dilettante, this technique has received an extraordinary development. 
The new Soviet constitution which establishes Bonapartism on a plebiscite basis is the 
veritable crown of the system. 

{Stalin resembles Hitler} 

In the last analysis, Soviet Bonapartism owes its birth to the belatedness of the world 
revolution. But in the capitalist countries the same cause gave rise to fascism. We thus 
arrive at the conclusion, unexpected at first glance, but in reality inevitable, that the 
crushing of Soviet democracy by an all-powerful bureaucracy and the extermination of 
bourgeois democracy by fascism were produced by one and the same cause: the 
dilatoriness of the world proletariat in solving the problems set for it by history. Stalinism 
and fascism, in spite of a deep difference in social foundations, are symmetrical 
phenomena. In many of their features they show a deadly similarity. A victorious 
revolutionary movement in Europe would im- 

{p. 279} mediately shake not only fascism, but Soviet Bonapartism. In turning its back to 
the international revolution, the Stalinist bureaucracy was, from its own point of view, 
right. It was merely obeying the voice of self-preservation. 


A Dating Anomaly 

Date: Thu, 11 May 2006 21:57:34 -0400 From: 

... As for the alleged "Rakovsky interview" which appears in "Red Symphony," that, at least in its 

present form, is clearly a fake. The World Bank was formed out of the Bretton Woods conference 

of 1944. Christian Rakovsky himself died in 1941 and his trial occurred in 1938. There is no way 

that the real Rakovsky could have made a comment such as 'I think I shall not be wrong if I tell 

you that not one of "Them" is a person who occupies a political position or a position in the World 


This comment was obviously written as bait for a paleo-conservative audience of the 1950s, 
many of whom liked to charge that the World Bank and any other internationally functioning 
organizations were 'Communist.' Whether that means that the actual script was written by a 
paleo-conservative of the 1950s or by someone else with an altogether different motive, who 
really knows? But it certainly wouldn't have been the authentic Rakovsky making such a 
comment about the World Bank 6 years before the Bretton Woods conference. 

Patrick S. McNally 

Red Symphony remains intriguing because of its advocacy of Convergence as a policy. This 
developed in detail many years later. Gorbachev, for example, was following that path. 

Now that Stalinism has completely fallen, other variants of Communism - Trotskyist, New 
Left, the Frankfurt School, Postmodernism, George Soros & Maurice Strong's Green/"New Age" 
one - are making a comeback. They are all, broadly, in Trotsky's camp. 

The Trots, even though "for the poor against the rich", are even more for "unifying the world". 
Under themselves, of course. That's why they published a book in favour of Free Trade. 

Convergence between Communism and Capitalism was supported by H. G. Wells and by 
David Ben Gurion, when he predicted World Government by 1987, as well as by Gorbachev - via 
his talk of a single "World Civilization" 

In each case, they wanted to get rid of Stalinism in the USSR, and "Anti-Semitism" in the 

Ben-Gurion, the first Prime Minister of Israel, invited in 1962 to predict what the world would 
be like in 25 years' time, wrote in LOOK magazine, Jan. 16, 1962: 

The image of the world in 1987 as traced in my imagination: the Cold War will be a thing 
of the past. Internal pressure of the constantly growing intelligentsia in Russia for more 
freedom and the pressure of the masses for raising their living standards may lead to a 
gradual democratization of the Soviet Union. On the other hand, the increasing influence 
of the workers and farmers, and rising political importance of men of science, may 
transform the United States into a welfare state with a planned economy. Western and 
Eastern Europe will become a federation of autonomous states having a Socialist and 
democratic regime. 

With the exception of the USSR as a federated Eurasian state, all other 
continents will become united in a world alliance, at whose disposal will be an 
international police force. All armies will be abolished, and there will be no more 
wars. In Jerusalem, the United Nations (a truly United Nations) will build a shrine of 
the Prophets to serve the federated union of all continents; this will be the scene of 
the Supreme Court of Mankind, to settle all controversies among the federated 
continents, as prophesied by Isaiah. Higher education will be the right of every 
person in the world. A pill to prevent pregnancy will slow down the explosive natural 
increase in China and India. And by 1987, the average life-span of man will reach 
100 years.